MEMOIRS
OF THE
American Museum of Natural
HARLAN 1. SMITH,
dla
SAGINAW, BF. 5. briCitiG
ald
History.
Voiume II.
ANTHROPOLOGY.
I.
en
Tue Jesup Nortu Paciric Expepition.
PY, The Fhomenon Indiens ef Beiish Columbia.
By JAMES TEIT.
Edited by FRANZ BOAS.
April, 1900.
The following method of transcribing Indian words is used in the publications of the Jesup
Expedition :
&, €, i, 0, U ....eeeeeeee have their continental sounds (short).
4, @, 1, 6, 0........+.2+. long vowels,
A, E, 1,0, U....++eeeee+. Obscure vowels,
8 cee ceeeceeees Vowels not articulated, but indicated by position of the mouth.
MH ccccececececccevceee im German Badr,
seceesceescscceeecoes O in German voll,
SOREL Fasdierelesp eseincedigraie <Q RNUONMS
Ned sede end dene s 6bdiene a: SAAR
seceecccecescevescoces Separates vowels which do not form diphthongs.
BL cece cece sees eceeee Sin s8land,
AU vccceeccec cece cecees Ow in how,
Lisccccceceseseeceeeees a8 in English.
I] ..ceccceceecceeeveeee very long, slightly palatized by allowing a greater portion of the
back of the tongue to touch the palate.
I ccccccscesceseceees+s posterior palatal /; the tip of the tongue touches the alveoli of
the lower jaw, the back of the tongue is pressed against the
hard palate, sonant.
L .cceccceseseceeseeess the same, short and exploded (surd).
Oboerecwedasecs cedcielval VOLE A
1" ® oO &
kos icsccseecceceeceeeee English &
Be haxsuenesiae seceeees palatized 4, almost dy.
KX .......ceee++eeeeee6 posterior palatal 4, between & and &’.
BEA Siok caenesis soos. Velar g.
(Lane rae tse Rt sescee veeee palatized g, almost gy.
Hiice des hide HEA Role .. chin German Buch.
Wei vieccech-echeiaiie aoe Meee # pronounced at posterior border of hard palate.
Mi sacoisedsdioticerbenbs Uatgute . palatal x as in German ich.
rie cere aere ar «+... are evidently the same sound, and might be written s' or ¢’, both
being palatized ; ¢ (English s#) is pronounced with open
teeth, the tongue almost touching the palate immediately
behind the alveoli; s is modified in the same manner.
Ota er askub Ate occavader avert wee. thas in thick.
d, t
b, p Pye ee as in English, but surd and sonant are difficult to distinguish.
gk
Teg stacais, oda leiy espace oroasiyy bs .. as in English.
Ve vetigeea vans VERrewns as in year.
W, M,M.......0006.+66. a8 in English.
Lecce ceccseecveeevees Gesignates increased stress of articulation.
soceccceecececeseeeees iS @ Very deep laryngeal intonation.
ERRATA.
p. 183, 2d line of footnote, “ Fig, 122” should read, “ Fig. 120.”
Pp. 223, in legend to Fig. 198, “z$43 " should read “ 744,.”
we
By James Tet.
Edited by FRANZ BOAs,
Map, PLates XIV — XX,
CONTENTS.
EpiTor’s NoTE.
Introduction, Historical 4nd Cubataniteeh
Name of the Tribe .
Habitat . ‘
Divisions of the Tribe
Population fo v9
Migrations and Intercourse .
Mental Traits
Manufactures
Work in Stoue
Work in Wood .
Painting ‘
Preparation of Skins .
Basketry
Mats i
Weaving and Netting .
House and Household .
Habitations
House-Furnishings .
IV. Clothing and Ornaments
Clothing of Upper Thompsons
Clothing of Lower Thompsons and Upper rine Band .
Modern Clothing .
Decoration of Clothing
Personal Adornment .
IV.—Tue Tuomrson Inpians or British Cotumsia.
PAGE
165
167
167
167
168
175
178
180
182
182
183
184
184
187
188
190
192
192
199
206
206
220
220
221
222
i
1
i
{
4
©
4
a
VI.
VII,
XI.
XII.
XIII.
XIV.
XV,
CONTENTS,
Subsistence Wo Ne ES ae
Varieties and Preparation of Food
Preservation of Staple Foods
Dishes
Seasons .
Hunting .
Fishing . oe
Travel and Transportation ; Trade
Travel and Transportation
Trade
Warfare ‘
Games and Pastimes
Sign Language ae ae
Social Organization and Festivals .
Social Organization .
Festivals
Birth, Childhood, Puberty, Marriage, and Death
Pregnancy .
Childhood .
Twins
Puberty .
Marriage as
Customs regarding Women
Burial Customs of the Upper Thompsons
Burial Customs of the Lower ‘lhompsons
Religion, rae ae ee
Conception of the Worid .
Prayers and Observances .
Festivals
Guardian Spirits .
Soul
Shamanism ,
Prophets wcheg .
Ethical Concepts and Teachings
Medicine, Charms, Current Beliefs
Medicines F
Surgical Operations .
Charms .
Current Beliefs
Art (by Franz Boas) .
Decorative Art
Music
Dancing. . . . . .
Conclusion (by Franz Boas)
APPENDIX . oo. 46 we ew es
PAGE
230
230
234
236
237
239
249
255
255
258
263
272
283
289
289
2096
393
393
306
310
3r
321
326
327
335
337
337
344
350°
354
357
360
365
366
368
368
370
37!
372
376
376
383
385
387
391
EDITOR'S NOTE,
The following description of the Thompson Indians is based on two manu-
scripts prepared by Mr. James Tit, — the one a description of the Upper Thomp-
son Indians, written in 1895; the other a description of the Lower Thompson
Indians, written in 1897 as a result of work done by Mr. Teit for the Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, To these manuscripts have been added notes furnished by
Mr. Teit, explaining the uses, and methods of manufacture, of specimens which he
collected for the expedition, Other information was furnished by him in reply
to inquiries of the writer concerning questions that seemed of interest. The
detailed descriptions of methods of weaving, and the patterns for costumes, are
based on examination of specimens in the Museum, ‘The chapter on art and the
conclusion were written by the editor. ‘The former is the result of his study of
specimens and photographs, and of personal inquiries conducted with the assist-
ance of Mr. Teit.
Mr. Teit is fully conversant with the language of the Thompson Indians,
and, owing to his patient research and intimate acquaintance with the Indians,
the information contained in the following pages is remarkably full, Physical
characteristics, language, and the mythology and traditions of the people, are not
included in the present description. The. traditions of the Upper Thompson
Indians, collected by Mr. James Teit, have been published by the American Folk-
Lore Society.
The drawings for the text illustrations in this paper were prepared by Mr.
Rudolf Weber. The plates are reproductions of photographs taken by Mr,
Harlan I. Smith. I am indebted to Prof. N. L. Britton for identification of the
plants referred to. I have to thank Miss H. A. Andrews and Miss M. L. Taylor
for valuable help in preparing the manuscript for the press.
Following are the more important publications bearing on the ethnology of
the Thompson Indians: ‘ Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,”
by George M. Dawson (Transactions Royal Society of Canada, 1891, Sect. I],
pp. 3-44); “Sixth Report of the Committee on the North-western Tribes of
Canada,” containing the ‘Second General Report on the Indians of British Co-
lumbia,” by Franz Boas (Report of the British Association for the Advancement
of Science, 1890, pp. 632-647); ‘“ Tenth Report of the Committee on the North-
western Tribes of Canada,” containing the “ Fifth Report on the Indians of
British Columbia,” by Franz Boas (/érd., 1895, pp. 522, #:); “ Traditions of the
Thompson River Indians of British Columbia,” collected and annotated by James
Teit, with introduction by Franz Boas, Boston and New York, 1898 (Memoirs of
the American Folk-Lore Society, Vol. VI), ‘ Report on the Ethnological Survey
of Canada,” 1899, containing “Studies of the Indians of British Columbia,”
pp. 4-88.
New York, February, 1900. [165] FRANZ BOAS
165
ae eran aS SET
a ee ee ee
eee nS Se
Ff ADAMS
4, f LAKE
y pe,
\ ——
\ _S Camvawal
oe LAKE
efme—menmon, PAshcroft
+ em,
8
Enderby
pallu meas
/ + “ta
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Duffey
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“eeenesttteeeereemeeness.
LOWER
OKANAGON
i — LAKE
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LB, : Keremeos
D aah / 4
Sumas { —_-"
Lake \ ‘
-_ : é coemmocemcoamme 7 ee
B .
MAP SHOWING
a alae LOCATION OF THE THOMPSON INDIANS
AND 1
NEIGHBORING TRIBES. q
The area formerly inhabited by the Athapascan tribe a
of Nicola Valley is indicated by shading,
te,
" pay rames
INDIANS
pascan tribe
I.—INTRODUCTION, HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL,
Name or tHe Tripe,— The Indians to be described in the following pages
were called “Couteau” or “ Knife" Indians by the employees of the Hudson Bay
Company ; but at the present day this name has been entirely superseded by that
vf“ Thompson” Indians, taken from the name of the river in the neighborhood
of which they have their homes, They call their entire tribe Niak‘a’pamux,
They are also so designated by all the neighboring tribes of the interior, although
they are sometimes called Liikatimii’x and Sa’lic by the Okanagon, and Nko‘ata-
mux by the Shuswap, The Lillooet occasionally call them Ce’qtamux, which
name is derived from that of Thompson River. In all these words the ending
“mux” means “ people.” The Indians of the Fraser Delta, whose territory ad-
joins theirs on the soutiwest, call them Sema'mila (said to mean “ inland people,”
“inland hunters,” or “people up the river”), Their language belongs to the
Salishan stock.
Hapitat., — Their habitat is the southern interior of British Columbia,
mostly east of the Coast Range, but it extends far into the heart of that
range (see opposite map). It is about a hundred miles in length, by ninety in
breadth, Through this territory flow three rivers, — Fraser River : its principal
tributary, Thompson River; and a smaller tributary of the latter, Nicola River,
In the valleys of these rivers, or in close proximity thereto, are found the princi-
pal villages of the tribe, while the country on either side is their hunting-ground,
Their neighbors to the north and east are the Shuswap, to whom they are
nearest akin. ‘To the northwest of their territory live the Lillooet, to the south
and east the Okanagon, while at the mouth of the cafion of Fraser River they
border on the Coast Salish. In former times a small tribe of Athapascan affinity
inhabited the upper portion of Nicola Valley. They have become merged in the
Thompson Indians.
The tribes with whom they are familiar, and their names, will be found on
the map. The Upper Thompson Indians had no knowledge of any Coast tribes
except those of Lower Fraser River. Some of the tribal names, such as
Smilé’qamux (‘the people of Similkameen”), signify the location which the
people inhabit, regardless of their tribal affiliations. A number of more distant
tribes, the location of which is not given on our map, were known to them by
name, These were most of the Salish tribes of Montana, Idaho, and the in-
terior of Washington; the Sahaptin; the Kootenay ; and the most northern
Shoshone tribes, who were called “tail people” because they wore attached to
their head-dresses a long string of feathers reaching down to the feet. A tribe
to the southeast called Stiltx:, ten days’ journey from Spences Bridge, neither
Salish nor Sahaptin, came sometimes to trade fish near the mouth of Nicola
River. The Crees were also known by name. Before the advent of the whites
no other tribes were known. The Hudson Bay Company's employees are called
[167]
168 TEIT THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
“the real white men,” a name also applied by a few Indians to French-speaking
people.
Divisions OF THE TRIBE. — Their territory may be divided into two parts ; the
dividing-line being near Lytton, at the junction of Thompson and Fraser Rivers.
Here the latter enters a deep cafion, through which it rushes with impetuous
force, until it emerges at Yale, some fifty-seven miles farther down, having cut its
way through the Coast Range. ‘The country on either side is extremely rugged.
Towering mountains, which reach beyond the snow-line, extend on every hand.
The valleys are very deep and narrow, often merely gorges. The rainfall is
abundant, especially in the southwestern part of this district, and therefore the
whole country is clad with heavy timber, mostly fir and cedar. As might be ex-
pected, agricultural and pasture land is scarce ; game is also rather scarce : so
that the Indians depend mainly on the products of the streams for their livelihood.
The winters are short, but there are occasionally heavy falls of snow. Such is the
country of the Lower Thompson Indians.
The country north and east of Lytton, and immediately east of the Coast
Range, is of a totally different character. Although it is rugged and hilly, the
contours of the mountains are round, and their slopes gentle. They are inter-
sected by numerous deep and narrow valleys, while still farther east rolling hills
or plateaus prevail.
The valleys and lower parts of the country are covered with sagebrush,
grease-wood, etc.— evidences of a dry climate; while the higher grounds and
mountain-tops are covered with grass and scattering timber, mostly pine. The
conditions are favorable for stock-raising, and patches of arable land are found.
Game, especially deer, is much more abundant here than in the lower section, and
there is much greater facility for engaging in agricultural pursuits. The climate is
extremely dry, with hot summers and moderately cold winters, the latter generally
short and accompanied by slight snowfalls.
The country below Lytton is named Uta'mqt (meaning “ below,” or “to the
south”), while that above Lytton is called Nku’kama (meaning “above,” or ‘to
the north”). By adding ‘“-mux” (“people”) to the previously mentioned names,
we have the designations by which the inhabitants of the two sections are known ;
viz, Uta’mqtamux (“people below”) and Nku’kdmamux (‘people above”).
The former name especially is often used without the ‘“-mux.” These two
divisions are the ‘Lower Thompsons” or ‘“Cafion Indians” and ‘ Upper
Thompsons” of the whites, by which terms I shall designate them.
The Lower Thompson Indians have their villages at favorable spots along
the banks of Fraser River, from a little below the village of Si’ska in the north,
to a few miles below Spuzzum in the south. Their hunting-grounds extend west-
ward to Harrison Lake and the mountains east of the lower course of Lillooet
River, southward to the head waters of Nooksack and Skagit Rivers, and eastward
to the head waters of Tulameen and Coldwater Rivers. Along this line they
come into contact with the Lower Lillooet ; the Coast Salish, whose villages and
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 169
hunting-grounds are confined to the immediate vicinity of Fraser River, while the
Thompson Indians hunt in the mountains a few miles to the south ; the Klickitat;
and the Okanagon.
The villages of the Lower Thompson Indians seem to have been much more
stationary than those of the upper division of the tribe. Many families wintered for
generations, in fact as long as can be remembered, at the same spot. Since the
advent of the whites some of the smaller village-sites have been abandoned. The
inhabitants removed to the larger villages, which happened to be near settlements
of the whites. Decrease in the number of inhabitants has been one of the prime
causes of removals.
The present villages of the Lower Thompson Indians, from south to north,
are as follows :—
Name. Location.
1, Spé’zém (“little flat’’) Spuzzum...... West side of Fraser River, about 9 miles above Yale,
2 miles below Spuzzum station, C. P. R., and 110
miles from Pacific Ocean.
2. Ti’kwalus, known as Chapman’s Bar
among the whites............ 008. East side of Fraser River, about 13 miles above Yale.
By SROXWA RE cca siee tienes ce near aw es West side of Fraser River, about 15 miles above Yale.
Ay TOC AWG iicicnveu erred eiees cnen ee East side of Fraser River, about 16} miles above Yale.
5. Noié'ltsi (“burnt body ")............ West side of Fraser River, about 23 miles above Yale.
6. Kalulaa’1ex (“small house of owl”),. East side of Fraser River, about 24 miles above Yale.
7. Koia'um (“to pick berries”), called by
the whites Boston Bar............ East side of Fraser River, about 25 miles abuve Yale.
B, NtSUwl Oki ce seed cer aeic sens swede West side of Fraser River, about 27 miles above Yale.
g. Kapatci’tcin (“sandy shore”), called
by the whites North Bend.......... West side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Yale.
ro, Npikti’m or S'inpakti’m (“white hol-
LOW? )icsiticnnets surelanbryae Savane East side of Fraser River, about 30 miles above Yale,
TD; ESA UMAR isa sier ee sutia averted East side of Fraser River.
12, Sinta’ki (“reached the bottom”’)..... West side of Fraser River.
13. Spa’im (“flat land” or “open flat”).. East side of Fraser River.
14. Skwa'uyix. cc... cece ceeeveeeeeees .. West side of Fraser River.
15. Kimu’s (“‘ brow” or “edge”)....... . East side of Fraser River.
16, S’ak (“valley ” or “ depression”)...., East side of Fraser River.
196 NRAttet thy sce ies ears eae yaceeeee East side of Fraser River, about 38 miles above Yale;
near Keefers station, C, P. R., but on the opposite
side of the river.
18, Staxéha’ni (“this side of the ear or
CE sia eigtelacaa an, sean Hee eee vines East side of Fraser River.
1g. Liqua’getin (“ferry” or “crossing-
PHAGE. Yi sccsicgcaiacais ve Ut cadale-nt eas East side of Fraser River, about 3 miles below Si’ska.
In this list detached houses have been grouped with the nearest village.
Some Indians think that Si’ska ought to be included with the Lower Thompsons.
In 1858 Koia’'um (Boston Bar) was the largest and most populous village.
PAE EERIE
Rem race dy
|
170 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
At the present day Kapatci’tcin (North Bend) and Spo’zém are the largest villages,
They contain fully one-third of the whole population. All the other villages are
small.
The Upper Thompson Indians are divided into four minor divisions more or
less recognized. These are :—
1. The tkamtci’nEmux (“ people of Lkamtci’n,” the Indian name of Lytton)
or Niak‘apamux’0’é (‘the Niak‘a’‘pamux proper”), sometimes called ‘“ Sa’lic”
by the Lower Thompsons, the Indians of Lytton and vicinity. They are
sometimes simply called Nuak‘a’pamux. I shall call them the Lytton band.
2. The Sraxa’yux, the people along Fraser River, above Lytton. Their
territory extends up Fraser River about forty miles, where they come into con-
tact with the Upper Lillooet a few miles below the town of Lillooet. Their
hunting-ground is chiefly on the west side of Fraser River, and comprises all the
eastern slopes, and the summiis of the Lillooet Mountains, It does not extend
far east of Fraser River, the country there being generally used by the Indians
of Lytton, Spences Bridge, and Ashcroft. I shall designate them as the Upper
Fraser band.
3. The Nkamtci’nEmux (“ people of the entrance”), taken from the name of
the land at the mouth of Nicola River (Nkamtci’n), and probably having refer-
ence to the confluence of the two rivers, or the “entrance” of one into the other.
These are the people of Spences Bridge and vicinity in particular, but the name
is often applied in a general sense to all the Indians along Thompson River from
a little below Spences Bridge upward. They extend along Thompson River to
Ashcroft, where their territory adjoins that of the Shuswap. Their hunting-
grounds extend back for thirty or forty miles on each side of Thompson River,
and include the upper half of Hat Creek. I shall call them the Spences Bridge
band. :
4. The Cawa’xamux or Tcawa’xamux (“ people of the creek,” taken from the
name of Nicola River, Tcawa’x or Cwa'ux, meaning “creek”), comprising the
Indians along Nicola River from a few miles above Spences Bridge to consider-
ably above Nicola Lake, where their territory adjoins that of the Okanagon,
whose nearest village is at Douglas Lake, some thirty-five miles from Nicola
Lake. Their hunting-grounds are on either side of Nicola River, and extend
thirty or forty miles back. In early times their villages did not extend more than
fifteen miles up the river. They visited the upper part of the valley on hunting
trips and for fishing in the lakes. I shall call this division the Nicola band.
The Spences Bridge band sometimes call the Upper Fraser band Skwoti'ki-
namux (‘‘ people of the other or opposite side of the ridge or mountains”), be-
cause they are divided from them by a narrow range, which follows the east bank
of Fraser River. The Lytton band who live along the shores of Fraser River,
and the Upper Fraser band, are sometimes collectively called ‘‘ people of Fraser
River.” The Lytton band who live along Thompson River above Lytton, and
Rag
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 171
the Spences Bridge band, are sometimes collectively called “ people of Thompson
River.”
Besides these, there are the usual names attached to every little band or com-
munity, which is simply the name of the place or village they inhabit, with the suf-
fix ‘‘-mux” (“people”), as we might say in our language ‘people of London,”
‘people of Liverpool,” etc. This method of designating their folk according to
the several towns to which they belong, is, so far as I know, the only one em-
ployed by the Lower Thompson Indians,
Among the Upper Thompson Indians, the people of some of the bands
or villages are sometimes called after the name of their chief. For instance, the
people on Thompson River immediately above Spences Bridge, who occupy two
or three small villayes, but are under one chief, are called Saitkinamuxs ha
Cumaxa'tr'tza (“people of Cumaxair'tza,” this being the name of the chief).
This custom, however, is of recent origin.
The differences in dialect betwecn the several divisions of the tribe are
very trifling. A few words only are used in a different sense, while others vary
slightly in pronunciation. The difference in dialect between the lower and
upper divisions is most clearly marked. The former seem to have borrowed
several words from their neighbors of the coast.
During the last twenty-five or thirty years, owing to increased intercourse
and prolonged visits among the different divis ons of the tribe, there appears
to have been a tendency towards assimilation of the dialects. The lower half of
the tribe affect the dialect current among the upper half. Through association
with the white man, several new words have been introduced into the language.
Most of these have reference to names of things new to the Indian.
The following is a fairly accurate list of villages belonging to the upper
divisions of the tribe :—
VILLAGES OF THE Lyrron BAND
Name. Location.
1, Nuaqta’kitin (‘the crossing-place, ’
“ place for crossing the river”), Kan-
aka Bar......ecsce esse eeeeeeeeees On Fraser River, about 11 miles below Lytton (some
Indians class it with the Lower Thompsons).
2. Si’ska (“uncle’’), Cisco............. On Fraser River, about 8 miles below Lytton.
3. Nqa‘ia (from nqa‘iex, “to swim”)... West side of Fraser River, about 2 miles below Lytton.
4. Lkamtci’n (“confluence”’ [of rivers] ),
Lytton... ccceceeeeeeeeeeeseeess South side of Thompson River, ut its junction with the
Fraser.
5. Neqa’umin or Nqau'min (so named be-
cause the water comes from a lake
called Nqauma'tko [‘‘wolf lake or
water" ], from sqaum [“wolf’’]),
Thompson.......sseeseeeeeeeeeee+ South side of Thompson River, about ro miles above
Lytton.
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172 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
VILLAGES OF THE Ly110oN BAND — Continued,
Name. Location,
6. Tixezé'p (shortened form of xzé'ép,
~
“sharp ground or place for pitching
lodges,” so called from small sharp
stones around there),.............
. N’a'tqélpte'tenk (“yellow pine little
slope")......... Sie ateeatate anna gerieatng
8. Nx’6mi'n (meaning doubtful)......
9. Anexté’t’tim (“stony little hollow”),
East side of Fraser River, about 1 mile above Lytton.
West side of Fraser River, about 1 mile above Lytton,
West side of Fraser River, 2} miles above Lytton,
Kast side of Fraser River, 3 miles above Lytton.
10. Sta'ien, or Strain (meaning doubtful),
Styne Creek...........c00000. +++ West side of Fraser River, about § miles above Lytton.
11, Npuitci’n (“low ridge shore”)...... West side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton.
12, Nqoi'kin (“black pine ridge,” so
called because young firs grow thickly
there like neko@'t [| “black pine
forest.” |) wcisanedieiaatuwebier oa East side of Fraser River, 8 miles above Lytton.
13. N6'6t or Neré’t (allied to rd'it, “sleep”), West side of Fraser River, 12 miles above Lytton.
14. Ntcé’qtceqqékénk or Ntcéqtceqk6-
2, Nqa’ktko (“little rotten water” )
kinnk (“the red little side hill or
SlOPE” )aiviccdv ieee seas whee eta
West side of Fraser River, 15 miles above Lytton.
VILLAGES OF THE Upper FRASER BAND.
Name.
. Nuip’pa’em (“to extract marrow,”
PI ’
from s’Lippa’,, “marrow ” [of bones
P ’
Location,
West side of Fraser River, about 22 miles above Lytton.
West side of Fraser River, 28 miles above Lytton.
3. Tia’ks (refers to nose or point in the
river), Fosters Bar...........cs005 East side of Fraser River, about 28 miles above Lytton.
4. Nse'qip (“little deep hollow or cut"), West side of Fraser River, about 38 miles above Lytton.
5. Skeka’itin (“place of coming up above,
or reaching the top”)........
West side of Fraser River, about 43 miles above Lytton.
The last-named village is the extreme northera limit of the tribe on Fraser
River, Here their territory adjoins that of the Lillooet, whose nearest village is
SEtL (near the town of Lillooet), five miles above, on the same side of Fraser
River,
VILLAGES OF THE SPENCES BRIDGE BAND.
Name. Location.
1. No‘qem (from s’no'k, “ valley”), Dry-
NOCH. ci vpeecseseccsecsveseveues South side of Thompson River, 16 miles above Lytton.
2, Nsqa'qaulten (“little looking for game
place ” from s’ké‘aut, “to stand in a
place and look around for game when
hunting”), Spences Bridge..... +++ South side of Thompson River, 23 miles above Lytton,
and half a mile below Spences Bridge.
on.
on,
mn,
er
er
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 173
VILLAGES OF THE SPENCES BRIDGE BAND — Continued.
Name.
3. Nkamtci’n (“confluence” or “en-
trance’), Nicola Mouth,..... +006.
4. Atci'tciken (meaning doubtful), or
Nkaitu’sus (“reaches the top of the
brow or low steep’). The trail gets
up on the top of a bench here, and
enters the Spa'piam Valley.........
5. Pemai’nfs (“the flat underneath or
near the brow or steep”). A low flat
extends along the river here for some
distance.........65 VebA Gin’ dieuiwares
6. Nqée'itko (“little lake or pond").
There is a stagnant pond at this
PAGO os disse tiie cccreced ir iwedercnes
7. Zaxxauzsi'ken (“middle ridge or hill”).
8, Pe'gaist (“white stone")...........
g. Semexa’u (“little lynx,” from semeEra’u,
Tyr") 4 cdisliss ei atale wince’ 0s Geis sinticnis
10, Spa'ptsen (“‘little Indian hemp place,”
from spa'tsan, “‘ Indian hemp”), Spa-
{SUTis.s dite whee ap oacneanmeuleeue as
11, Nté'qem (“to make muddy,” or
“muddy creek’), Oregon Jacks.....
12, Snapa’ (“burnt place,” from s'pa’a,
“any burnt place in the mountains or
forest ’’), Black Cafion....... Se diates
13. Nukaa’tko, Nukaa’tqo, or Nekaa’tko
(from nko or nkwa, Shuswap for
“one,” as Nkwaa'tko, “one little
water,” similar to Npéa’tko, which
means the same).........0.eeeeees
14. SLaz or Sxiétz (meaning doubtful),
Cornwalls......... SOR ae Sodpealenls iss
15. LoLowt’q (‘‘slides,” from Lowd’q,
applied to places where gravel, small
stones, or sand keeps sliding or fall-
ing down)............4 veuyes ea
Location,
South side of ‘Thompson River, at its junction with
the Nicola, about 24} miles above Lytton.
North side of ‘Thompson River, about 3 miles back
in the mountains from Spences Bridge.
South side of ‘Thompson River, about 28 miles above
Lytton.
South side of Thompson River, 30 miles above Lytton.
Half a mile back from ‘Thompson River, on the south
side, about 31 miles above Lytton.
South side of Thompson River, 32 miles above Lytton.
North side of Thompson River, 32 miles from Lytton.
South side of Thompson River, 35 miles above Lytton.
North side of Thompson River, about 1 mile back
from the river, and about 39 miles above Lytton.
South side of Thompson River, about 1$ miles back
from the river, and 42 miles above Lytton.
North side of Thompson River, about 43 miles above
Lytton.
About 1 mile Luck from Thompson River, on the north
side, about 45 miles above Lytton.
On Nicola River, about 8 miles from Spences Bridge.
Staz village is the farthest up Thompson River. Beyond, on both sides of
the river, the country is inhabited entirely by Shuswap.
cre seat
Beene
a Sa
AR A NN I Na a a
174 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA
VILLAGES OF THE NICOLA BAND.
Name. Location.
- Kapatci’tcin (“little sandy shore”)... Near Nicola River, about 12 miles from Spences Bridge.
2, Ca’xanix (‘‘little stone or rock”)..... Near Nicola River, about 16 miles ab-ye Spences
Bridge.
3. x'0'tx'Atkawéd (“holes by or near the
trail )icsssescvecenveeeceeessoes Neat Nicola River, 23 miles above Spences Bridge.
4. Xanexewé'I (“stone by or near the
Ha sas sisandvaeresicauentsen NGAP Nicola River, 27 miles above Spences Bridge.
5. Qaiskana’ or Koiskana’ (from koés or
kw6'es, a bush the bark of which is
used for making twine; some say
it is a Stuwix’ or Athapascan name,
but this seems doubtful), Pitit Creek. Near Nicola River, 29 miles above Spences Bridge.
6. N’a'iek or N’é'iek (“the bearberry”). Near Nicola River, 39 miles above Spences Bridge.
7. Tsulu’s or Sulu’s (“copen” or ‘open
flat? 5 saiaditeaacsloacever acters +++. Near Nicola River, 40 (?) miles above Spences Bridge.
8. Pti'tek or Prtu’tek (“little spring” [of
water] )......... Kaine we tesevecees About 41 miles above Spences Bridge.
Near Nicola River, a few miles from the west end of
or rocky gulch), Nicola Lake
10, Ntsta’tko or Ntsa'ta’tko (“cold
water’), Coldwater.
tr, Zuxt (meaning doubtful)..........5 » Near west end of Nicola Lake, 50 miles above Spences
Bridge.
12, Qwiltca’na (meaning doubtful)....... Near the middle of Nicola Lake.
13. Ntcé’kus or Stcé’kus (“red rising
ground oreminence,” or “ red face "), About 1 mile back in the mountains from Qwiltca’na,
Qwiltca’na may be said to be the terminal village in this direction. Three
miles above it is the nearest village of the Okanagon. The nearest four villages
of the latter are as follows : —
Name. Location.
Qeé"tamix or tkatamix (Okanagon word,
meaning “ broad patch of bushes”... About 3 miles from Qwiltca’na.
Spa’xemin (“ shavings ” or “ cuttings,” as
of wood or bone), Douglas Lake..... 11 miles from Qwiltca’na,
Komkona'tko (“head water” or “head
lake”), Fish Lake............000, - 21 miles from Qwiltca’na.
Zu'tsemin or Zu'tsamin (“red ochre or
earth”), Vermillion................ On Upper Similkameen River.
The Indians of all these Okanagon villages have a considerable admixture
of Thompson Indian blood, and speak both languages. The pure Okanagon
is not found until Niki’us and K érEmya'uz, on the Similkameen, are reached.
Many of the villages in the above lists are very small, consisting of two
or three families ; while others are large, and contain about a hundred or more
inhabitants. Very few occupy old village-sites, A list of the villages thirty-five
Ze,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRIT!SH COLUMBIA, 17
wm
to fifty years ago would be very different. These villages are almost all situated
on reserves, Some places where Indians live in detached houses have been
included under the name of the village nearest to which they are located.
So far as current tradition tells, the tribal boundaries have always been the
same as they are at the present day, except that about sixty or more years ago
the Shuswap-speaking people extended a few miles farther down Thompson
River than now, and the country around Nicola Lake was held by an Athapascan
tribe, Both of these have been absorbed by the Thompsons.
PoruLation, — The tribe is at the present day greatly reduced in numbers.
The existence of numerous ruins of underground houses might be considered
as sufficient proof of the decrease of the tribe, were it not that the same family
sometimes constructed several of these houses, and that after the first epidemic
of small-pox many of the survivors moved, for protection or support, to larger
communities, and constructed.new houses there. After the formation of small
towns or settlements by the whites, who set up trading-stores in different parts of
the country, many Indians removed to their neighborhood for convenience of
trading with or working for them. Moreover, the Indians began to se’ what use
the whites made of arable lands, and they obtained “reserves,” and gained some
knowledge of farming. Then many who had no arable land moved either to
more favorably situated places, or to their “reserves” when convenient. By this
means the number of old house-sites was considerably increased. Nevertheless,
according to the testimony both of the Indians themselves, and of white men long
resident in their country, the Thompson Indians were certainly at one time much
more numerous than at present.
The old people say that forty or fifty years ago, when travelling along
Thompson River, the smoke of Indian camp-fires was always in view. This will
be better understood when it is noted that the course of Thompson River is very
tortuous, and that in many places one can see but a very short distance up or down
the river, The old Indians compare the number of people formerly living in the
vicinity of Lytton to “ants about an ant-hill.”. Although they cannot state the
number of inhabitants forty years ago, there are still old men living who can give
approximately the number of summer lodges or winter houses along Thompson
River at that time, showing clearly the great decrease which has taken place.
In 1858, when white miners first arrived in the country, the Indian population
between Spuzzum and Lytton was estimated at not less than two thousand, while
at present it is probably not over seven hundred. If that be correct, and assum-
ing that the number in the upper part of the tribe was in about the same propor-
tion to those in the lower as now, the population of the entire tribe would have
numbered at least five thousand.
Notwithstanding the fact that a year or two before the arrival of the white
miners the tribe had been depopulated by a famine, which infested nearly the
whole interior of British Columbia, the actual decrease of the Indians has taken
place only since the advent of the whites, in 1858 and 1859.
ST RMT ACA RU, TR eres
;
ii
»
=
i
|
176 TELT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Small-pox has appeared but once among the Upper Thompson Indians ; but
the Lower Thompsons state that it has broken out three or four times in their
tribe. Its first appearance was near the beginning of the century. Nevertheless
this disease has reduced the numbers of the tribe more than anything else. It
was brought into the country in 1863, and thousands of Indians throughout the
interior of British Columbia succumbed to it. If the evidence of the old people
can be relied on, it must have carried off from one-fourth to one-third of the tribe.
In many cases the Indians became panic-stricken, and fled to the mountains for
safety. Numbers of them dropped dead along the trail; and their bodies were
buried, or their bones gathered up, a considerable time afterwards, Some took
refuge in their sweat-houses, expecting to cure the disease by sweating, and
died there,
It was early in spring when the epidemic was raging, and most of the Indians
were living in their winter houses, under such conditions that all the inhabitants
were constantly exposed to the contagion. The occupants of one group of win-
ter houses near Spences Bridge were completely exterminated; and those of
another about three miles away, numbering about twenty people, all died inside
of their house. Their friends buried them by letting the roof of the house down
on them. Afterwards they removed their bones, and buried them in a graveyard.
Since then the tribe has been gradually decreasing, until at present I doubt
if it numbers over two thousand souls. About fifteen years ago it was reckoned
by a missionary long resident among them as numbering about twenty-five
hundred.
Many suppose that the decrease among Indian tribes in general is chiefly
due to the dying-off of the old people and to the sterility of the women. My obser-
vations lead me to a different conclusion, at least regarding the Upper Thompson
Indians. ‘There are comparatively few sterile women among them.
The following statistics concerning the Indians of Spences Bridge will serve
as an illustration of the decrease of the Indian community. ‘They were collected
by myself, and extend over a period of ten years. While they may be no
criterion for the whole tribe (some bands having remained almost stationary
during this period, while others have decreased considerably more than the one
to be discussed), still I think they will show what is happening, to a greater
or less extent, in several bands of the tribe.
In 1884 the Spences Bridge Indians numbered 144 (not including 13 tem-
porary residents from other tribes or bands). During the period 1884-94 I
recorded the following changes :—
INCREASE.
22 (Full-bloods. ccc cesses cesses nnaceceevesesenecceene Sereecenesceseretecaae 99
Births UBlalt-b ceeds). f05 3000 tice ks te ae nctteies wa aandg eek nisin dew dea views Pe cderevdts . 4
— 43
Immigration of Indians from other villages.......... ce ceee cece eens Fea iae Che pees 10
Total Ancrease sis ccii osawteneinaiecedarsauee <atievee 4468 ON cee oa tae eer eer 53
wt
bat
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 177
DECREASE,
Infants and children born after 1884. ... ccc reece e cece nee ee ee eens coeceees 98
Death Children born before 1884..... 0. :eceee vee eeenee AACR ee ee crenoeae 8
als Adults under 60 years. .ccc cc cece cece eee eee eee e ee ee eee en nett eseeeeeees BF
Adults Over Go years.cssccccccvecssesececereeeenerceetenetseeeceens ioe §
Removal of Indians to other villages. .... ccc cece ee eee eee rennet eee nent ens Wesigiog 17
Total Gecrease.cciccccccercceeccareecerenseenteeetes eh eneeneenseareueas 89
The resulting decrease during this period is therefore 36, leaving a population
of 108.'
It will be seen from the above that although there was a very high death-
rate, the birth-rate was also high, and that the principal cause of the band’s
decrease was the great mortality among children. At the present time about
thirty-three per cent of the people composing this band ave about fifty-five years
of age or upwards, and therefore were adults when the white miners first came to
the country, In the nearest neighboring band there are twenty-five per cei.t who
may be placed in the same category.
The heavy death-rate is attributable principally to two causes, — epidemics
and consumption, Epidemics such as measles, influenza, ete., fall far more heavily
on them than on the whites. Measles especially carries off a large number of
children. The majority of deaths between the ages of eighteen and fifty are
from consumption. Some deaths among the young people are directly due to
venereal diseases (originally introduced by the whites), and to the use of whiskey
and its concomitant evils; but the percentage of such deaths is relatively quite
small, although these vices are the indirect cause of many deaths. To this cause
are also attributed, to a great extent, the birth of weak children, and sterility
among some of the women. If the Indian Department would provide for resi-
dent physicians for the Indians, these conditions might be materially improved.
During the last few years there has been a slight improvement in some
places. Ina few of the more remote villages the birth-rate has risen, and the rate
of mortality among children has fallen. In these places the population seems
now to be about holding its own or is slowly increasing. Places such as North
Bend, which are situated close to towns, and where there is much association with
the whites, still show a very high mortality.
The birth-rate among the Lower Thompsons seems to be higher than among
the upper division of the tribe, while the mortality of children seems to be lower.
During the last years there has been a preponderance of surviving male children
among the upper division, and of surviving female children among the lower
division, of the tribe.
Little care is taken of the children during a certain age. From their birth
until they are able to walk they are generally wrapped up, and, we might say, even
' For statistics for 1894-99 see Note 1, at the end of this paper.
<i STAN AEP TEES
i al ll LS la RN a le i
178 TELT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
taken too much care of; but as soon as they can walk, and from that time up to
the age of ten, they are often allowed to run around exposed to the weather, with
little or no clothing other than a cotton shirt. It is during this period of life that
most of their children die.
The beef that they are doomed to extinction seems to have a depressing
effect on some of the Indians, At almost any gathering where chiefs or leading
men speak, this sad, haunting belief is sure to be referred to,
MIGRATIONS AND INTERCOURSE. — There is no historical tradition, so far as I
am aware, of any former migration of the people, with perhaps one exception.
This, even if true, is very uncertain. The tradition is to the effect that a band of
Indians from the neighborhood of Lytton, owing to a dispute, broke away from
the main body, crossed the mountains to the south or southeast, and eventually
settled somewhere near Columbia River. Some relate the story in exactly the
reverse way, claiming that it was a party from Columbia River who migrated, and
settled at or near Lytton, The bare fact is stated without any details, As only
a few of the old Indians are familiar with this tradition, the events narrated therein
must have happened a long time ago, if they ever did happen,
About fifty years ago many of the Nicola band moved into the Stawi’x:
country, around Nicola Lake, and some of them intermarried with the Indians
there, Some members of the Spences Bridge band, who were related by marriage
to the Nicola band, also moved up there, About the same time the Okanagon,
whose hunting-ground had been in the Douglas Lake country, commenced to
make permanent settlements in that neighborhood.
There seems to have been very little direct intercourse between the upper
and lower divisions of the tribe. The Lytton band, who occupy a central portion,
intermarried and had frequent intercourse with the Lower Thompson Indians and
with the other bands of the upper tribe; but the latter seldom or never inter-
married with the Lower Thompson Indians, and had little or no intercourse with
them, Very few people from Spences Bridge ever went beyond Lytton. This
may be partly owing to the difficulty of access to the lower country; but
another reason was the feeling between the divisions of the tribe, the Upper
Thompson Indians considering the lower division as a rather inferior race.
Formerly the villages of the Lower Thompson Indians had little intercourse with
one another, owing to the difficulty of travel in the Fraser Catton. Commiuni-
cation between Spuzzum and the villages of the Coast Salish was fairly easy, and
consequently intercourse and intermarriages were not infrequent. Since the ar-
rival of the whites, the construction of the Caribou wagon-road and the Canadian
Pacific Railway through the Fraser Cajon, and the awakening of a desire among
the tribe in general to better their condition, there has been much intercourse among
all portions of the tribe, with the result that many persons belonging to the lower
division have married others of the upper division, and settled in the country
of the latter.
The Lower Thompson Indians, seeing the more favorable circumstances
se din 3
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 179
under which the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands lived, moved to the country
of the latter, whose fertile soil afforded a much better opportunity for farming
pursuits than their own rugged district. Even the Lytton band have followed
their example to some extent, Several people from Lytton have settled among
the Nicola band, and a large percentage of the people of Neqa’umin, who belong
to the same tribal division, have settled around Ca'xanix and other parts of Lower
Nicola River,
This latter instance is a good illustration of the change which has taken
place in the mode of living of the Thompson Indians. Neqa’'umin was once a
very populous place, and people from other parts were drawn there by its splendid
facilities for fishing ; but since the advent of the whites, and the abandonment by
the Indian of hunting and fishing for the less precarious pursuit of agriculture,
Neqa’umin has become in a measure deserted, as there is hardly any arable land
in its vicinity,
The most notable migration in recent years, however, is that of a large band
of Lower Thompson Indians, who crossed the intervening mountains, and settled
in Nicola Valley, near the mouth of Coldwater River, and in other places, where
they now have reserves.
Those bands who live in territory adjoining that of other tribes have occasion-
ally intermarried with their neighbors, but not to any great extent. The Lytton
band, who are surrounded on all sides by other bands of the tribe, have probably
less foreign blood in their veins than any of the others; the Lower Thompson
Indians, especially around Spuzzum, have a slight admixture of Cowichan blood ;
the Upper Fraser band have a considerable amount of Lillooet and a little
Shuswap blood; the Spences Bridge band, some Shuswap and a little Okanagon
blood ; while the Nicola band, besides having some admixture of Okanagon, have
also some Athapascan blood in their veins.
Since the arrival of the whites many women have married white settlers resi-
dent in their country. This has resulted in the development of a half-breed
population. The female portion of these half-breeds marry either white or half-
breed men ; while the male portion although in many cases they marry Indian
women, generally live apart, only « .ew of them settling with their Indian rela-
tives, or living regularly in the Indian villages. Besides these, there are half-
breeds of illegitimate birth, — children of women who have lived with white men
foratime. The offspring in such cases, having been brought up among the Indians,
generally remain with them, living as Indians, and when of age marry among
them, All European nations have contributed almost equally to this mixed race.
On the other hand, there is hardly any mixture with Chinese and negroes (except
among the Upper Fraser band), largely owing to the fact that the majority of the
Indians look with contempt upon these races.
Although for the last thirty-five or forty years there has been uninterrupted
contact with the whites, yet the percentage of children of mixed descent is com-
paratively small. For example, in two small bands who inhabit Spences
a ll A a a a
a tA a a
180 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
Bridge and vicinity, and who number 108 and 101 souls respectively, we find
the following numbers of full-bloods and half-breeds i—
Nkamtei'n Band, Pe'qaist Band,
Individuals, oremeeee ates . eee eemuemeneee Totals,
Males, Females, Males, | Females, ;
eneee cepa ereeeenangnnesonnnsneneenaismmesnsinnnnes | ree ees | a :
4 white and | negro. ........scee sees I a - | — | q
} white,......... Conneeveeee ieeus us 1 —_ 2 I 22
FANUC cccrecverseeeceececreerees 5 I 6 3 a
Full-blooded Indians,.............. 49 49 or) 49 187 1
TOG idesavcves COUN VOW iE Cp Peeeere Me caleirs ian IOAN Ok + 209 ,
This amount of admixture is considerably above the average, as observed among :
other bands, Among the same bands admixture of foreign Indian blood has taken :
place as follows ; —
Individuals, Nkamtci'n Band, Pe‘qaist Band, Totals, A
h Shuswap... se sscccceccevceuevevevens oni 5 8
“ |
7 see reeences seeeee rare e in at ei 3 8 33
HO. Basted UNO O08 AGH OO Obes Healers 7 2
4 Okanagon..... seeenges COteb eee eeeeerees 1 —
} : POCO ene ee re reeeee rene eeeenens 5 _ 10
G. “) paautaancaneuenis Penne e ee ee eens 4 _
FESO Gs ee pice occkclede vwaenk svete: inn a
4 Walla Walla........ cece ssieeeee see, _ I 4 q
Pure Shuswap...s.cc.cceceseseceeecece es, I I A
47 4
Less 5, also included in first list as partly White... .. cess scecceeseesecs toon 8 a
SUMMARY,
Full-blood Thompson Indians. ............0.ceceeeeese. eee eeneneeneees 145
Mixed-blood Thompson Indians ; — 4
Thompson Indians and other Indian tribes.............. ee re soeee 42
Thompson Indians and white.............cceeceeeeeseeeee ccs, 22
209
Menrat Traits. — Although the Thompson Indians, when the white miners
first came among them, had the reputation of being treacherous, they cannot a
be so characterized at the present day. As with every other people, there are 4
both good and bad among them; but on the whole they are more honest and a
q
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 181
industrious, intelligent and receptive, than other Indian tribes, They are quiet,
sociable, and hospitable; yet combined with the last two qualities are often
pride and suspicion. Some are of a jocular, humorous temperament; and some
are courageous, determined, uid persevering, although the last-named quality is
not a characteristic of the tribe as a whole, Some show it, however, to a marked
degree when hunting or fishing. Being proud, they are easily offended, but sel-
dom allow their wrath to get the mastery of them. As a rule, they are not vin-
dictive. They admire a tian who is athletic, active, energetic, industrious,
strong to endure, brave, hospitable, liberal, sociable, and kind. They are fond of
the wonderful, of oratory, gambling, story-telling, hunting, and horseback-riding.
They are not as proud-spirited as they were, nor do they take as much interest in
games, athletic exercises, and fun, as formerly, Disease and the knowledge that
they are doomed to extinction are the chief causes for this: while change of
pursuits, and the acquirement of new ideas, also have their effect.
At present these people, both socially and otherwise, may be said to be in a
state of transition from the customs and modes of life of the past, to those at pres-
ent in vogue among the surrounding whites. Although some of the old people
cling tenaciously to many of the old habits and traditions, the one idea of many
of the younger people is, to advance their material condition, and to copy and vie
with the whites in many lines of industry, as well as in customs and dress,
This latter propensity very often results in the adoption of more evil than good
customs, as is true in the case of whiskey-drinking. I may add, that the ease with
which liquor can be obtained, especially along the line of the Canadian Pacific
Railway, principally from unscrupulous whites, is the cause of the ruin, both
moral and physical, of many of the young people, as well as of brawls, and some-
times loss of life. Be it said to their honor, however, many of the tribe have
little or no desire for liquor, and, although it is so easily procurable, never avail
themselves of the opportunities so flagrantly brought to their notice. Those
Indians who indulge in whiskey almost always do so to excess, and they are gen-
erally those members of the tribe who most closely copy the whites in other par-
ticulars. Moreover, these are often included among the most industrious and
progressive members of the tribe. On the other hand, those individuals who are
more exclusive and conservative have, as a rule, little or no craving for whiskey,
and refuse to use it, nor will they accept other innovations brought by the white
man.
The Lower Thompson Indians are quieter and steadier than the people
of the upper division, but at the same time they seem to be slower and less
energetic. They are better fishermen and more expert in handling canoes, while
the Upper Thompson Indians are better horsemen. The difference in disposition
between the two divisions of the tribe is brought out rather strongly on Cold-
water River, where people from Nicola and Boston Bar live in close preximity.
While arrests for drunkenness, assaults, horse-stealing, etc., are quite frequent
among the former, they are almost unkown among the latter.
“
i a at i ti
mel:
Il. MANUFACTURES,
Most of the implements and utensils of the Thompson Indians were made
of stone, bone, wood, bark, skins, matting, or basketry. Work in stone, bone,
and wood was done by the men, while the preparation of skins, matting, and
basketry-work fell to the share of the women. There was a certain amount of
division of labor, inasmuch as workmen skilful in any particular line of work
exchanged their manufactures for other commodities,
Work ty Srone.— Their work in stone was of the same character as that
done by the prehistoric people of Lytton, which is described in Part III of this
volume. Stones were battered into shape, cut, and
flaked. Jade and serpentine bowlders were cut by
means of gritstones or beaver-teeth. But few polished
implements are found. Steatite pipes were polished
with stems of Zyzdsetum and a
mixture of grease and pitch of the
black pine. Stone skin-scrapers
and hand-hammers are used up to
this day. The Indians are still
familiar with the art of making
arrow-heads. When these were
to be made from a bowlder, the
following method was employed.
The bowlder was split by being
laid on a stone and struck with a
hand-hammer, generally a pebble |
of handy size. When a suitable
piece had been obtained, its edges
were trimmed off with a hard
stone, Then it was wrapped in
Fig: 8 (elf), -Arcow-Flaker, nat, size, STASS Or hay, placed on edge on Antes | Gali, Wedee mde ‘
a stone, and large flakes were
split off with a hand-hammer. After a suitable piece had been obtained, it
was placed on a pad in the left hand and held in position with the fingers. It was
given its final shape by means of a flaker made of antler (Fig. 118), which
was used with a forward and downward pressure. The blunt point served for
faking off larger chips, while the smaller one was used for the final stages of the
work. In later times iron flakers were often used. The method of holding the
flake was the same as that of the Carriers of northern British Columbia.'
' See Notes on the Western Dénés, by Rev, Father Morice (Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. IV,
Toronto, 1895, p. 65); also Stone Implements of the Potomac-Chesapeake Tidewater Province, by W. EI. Holmes
(Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1897, p. 81).
[182]
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 183
Work tx Woop, — For work in wood a number of tools were used. Trees
were cut down by means of wedges made of elk-antler (Fir 119), which were
driven in with hand-hammers.
ude These differed somewhat — in
ne, shape in different regions. A
ind type found among the upper
of division of the tribe is shown in
ark Fig, 120. The Lower Thom:-
sons often imported hammers
Wis from the Lillooet (Fig. 121).
his The latter resembles the style
nd of hammer in use among the
Indians of Vancouver Island.'
ie Gian ai ahaeh GA Ac Risa Hatin Le OES wooden mallets made
me of a piece of a trunk of a tree,
with attached branch that served as a handle, were used. Occasion-
ally stone clubs with flat sides were used for driving wedges. Most
of the rougher work in wood was done with wedge and hammer.
Adzes and axes of jade and serpentine (lig. 122) were in
common use. The method employed by the upper division in hafting chipped
stone axes is shown in Fig, 123. The lower division used adze-handles similar
™ to those of the Vancouver Island Indians (Fig. 124). Stone chisels were fas-
tened into handles with sockets, in which the stone was inserted. These tools
were also used for building canoes. For cutting and carv-
ing, chipped stone knives (Fig. 125) or beaver-tooth knives
(Part III, Fig. 49) were used. The former were similar to
the crooked knives of the
: Coast Indians, but they had
a shorter handles. Fig. 126
{) shows a chipped carving- |)
i knife carefully trimmed on
. atl one side, with curved point.
Drilling was done by means
i : of stone points. Many bone
< objects are decorated with
h small circles (Fig. 1185 see
r ‘ also Part III, Fig. 109).
5 These were made with a | Fig. 124 Giis. Handle of Adze.
e Fig. 123 (y}8a). Stone Adze, } nat. size, “4 h nat. size,
: notched point made of bone,
preferably that of the bear, one end of which was placed in the centre of the
circle, while the other was used to scratch the circular line. When one of the
s "See Fig. 9, 4, ia Stone Hammers or Pestles of the Northwest Coast of America, by Harlan I. Smith (American
Anthropologist, N. $., Vol. I, p. 363), characteristic of Spences Bridge ; Fig. 122, above, was found at Lytton,
aL
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
184 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
points was blunt, a circle without a central dot was produced. Nowadays these
circles are made with augurs and bits. Bone was also sharpened and _ polished
with gritstone and sand, or with the stems
of Lguzsetum.| The Lower Thompsons
and the Lytton band made dug-out canoes
of cedar and pine. After the dug-outs
were finished, they were filled with water,
which was boiled by means of red-hot
stones. Dried salmon-heads were put into
the water, which was kept simmering for twenty-four hours or
more. The wood absorbed the oil from the salmon-heads, and was
thus rendered less liable to crack. Occasionally canoes were made
of spruce-bark with the smooth side out, sewed with spruce-root,
and stretched over a wooden frame. The seams were calked with
“ Big. 235, Ale. melted gum. They were not much used by the Lower Thompsons.
size, Paintinc. — Many of the implements and utensils made of
stone, bone, wood, bark, or skin, were painted. Red and brown ochre seem to
have been used most extensively for this purpose. Copper clay was used for
blue paint ; white, calcareous, and yellow earths were also in use (see Part III,
p. 133). A white paint was also made of burnt deer-bones. Powdered char-
coal was used as a black paint. A powdered fungus that grows on hemlock-
trees also furnished a red paint. Al! these paints, before application, were
mixed with melted deer-grease and heated, and applied with a small stick or with
the finger. The paints were kept in vessels made of steatite or of other stone, or
on flat pieces of hide. The root of /*thospermum angustifolium Michx. was
also used as red paint, particularly for sainting dressed skins. The fresh root
was dipped into deer’s grease and rubbed on the object to be painted. It was also
used as a facial paint. The flowers of Delphintum Menstesit DC. were used both
as a blue paint and asa dye. The juice of yellow lichens furnished a yellow
dye. Grass used for decorating basketry was dyed brown and black by being
placed in mud. Green and blue dyes were obtained by boiling rotten wood ; a
light red dye, by boiling bark of the alder. Recently washing-blue mixed with
oil has been extensively used by the Lower Thompsons for painting canoes and
paddles. All these paints and dyes have nearly gone out of use. Paints
were fixed on skin by being rubbed with heated Ofunéza.
PREPARATION OF SKINS. — The skins of numerous animals were used for
clothing, bedding, bags, etc. The skin of deer and elk was of greatest impor-
tance, but those of the bear, wolf, coyote, lynx, fox, marmot, hare, and marten were
also in demand. The Lower Thompsons made use of the wool of the mountain-
goat. Skins are prepared in the following manner. The skin is first dried, and
the flesh side scraped free from fatty substance with a sharp stone scraper. Then
itis rubbed all over the inside with the decomposed brains of deer, with marrow
'See Note 2, at the end of this paper.
Fig. 126 (g}§,)._ Point of Stone Knife,
Front and Back Views, 4 nat. size.
‘SE
ee a, Ee ee ee
we
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 185
extracted from the larger bones, or with the oil extracted from salmon-heads by
boiling. It is then rolled up and put in a cool place. This latter process is
repeated each morning for two or three days, until the under side of the skin is
soft and oily. If the weather is not hot or breezy, the skin is dried near a fire.
After it has been made soft and pliable, it is stretched on a frame-
work of four poles (the ends of which are tied together), and
beaten or pounded until quite soft by means of a stick sharpened
at one end, or a stone scraper inserted into a wooden handle three
or four feet in length (Fig. 127, also Plate XIV, Fig. 1). This
completes the dressing of skins intended for robes or blankets.
Buckskin for shirts, ieggings, etc., is first scraped by means of a
stone scraper or a bone or horn chisel of the same form as that
used in woodwork. This is held in one hand, while the other
hand is pulling off from the outer cuticle of the skin the hair which
the scraper loosens. Skins for moccasins are often smoked on a
framework of bent sticks, the ends of which are inserted in the ;
‘ Fig. 127 (ify). Stone
ground near the edge of a hole about a foot and a half in depth, Scraper. nat, size.
and not much more than a foot in diameter, dug for the purpose. In this hole a
fire of rotten fir-wood, or any other wood that makes a smouldering fire, is kin-
dled. Fir-bark broken up fine and mixed with dry yellow-pine cones (Pinus pon-
derosa Dougl.) is considered best. Wormwood or sagebrush (Artemisia Srigtda
Willd.) is frequently used, especially by the Nicola bana. _ If it is desired to have
the skin very dark, juniper (Funiperus Virgendana L.) is added to the fire. An old
blanket is spread over all to keep in the smoke and exclude the air. When the
under side of the skin is sufficiently colored, it is reversed, so that the other side
may be treated similarly. The process at present most in vogue is somewhat dif-
ferent. The dry skin is thoroughly soaked in water for several days. It is then
placed loosely on a piece of poplar log about five inches in diameter and four feet
or so in length, the bark of which has been previously peeled off, leaving a smooth
surface. The log is then placed with one end resting on the ground, and the
other against a tree, in the bark of which a notch is often cut to keep the stick in
position. As part of the skin is allowed to hang over the top end of this stick,
the pressure against it prevents the skin from slipping. The part of the skin
extending along the smooth surface of the stick or log is then scraped, and the
work is finished by moving the skin over the log as required, The scraper used
is a deer’s ulna (Fig. 128) or a horse's rib (Fig. 129), which are sharpened a
little. They are held with one hand at each end of the bone, and worked much
as a person would use a “draw-knife.” The ends are covered with sagebrush
and skin, The same kind of scrapers were in use in prehistoric times (see Part
III, p. 147). Iron scraping-knives are now often used, but these are more liable
to cut the skin than bone knives,
After the inside of the skin has been scraped, the hair side is treated in the
same way, care being taken to remove the outer cuticle along with the hair.
ail tn a a ENS a
186 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
Then the skin is hung over a pole and dried. When dried, it is smoked as be-
fore described, put into a basket or other vessel with some warm water and a
strong solution of soap, where it remains for twenty-four hours or more, and is
then rolled lengthwise, together with a little dry grass. One end is fastened
with a rope to a log, while the other end is folded around a short stout stick held
in the hands. The stick is then turned until the skin is well twisted and the
water wrung out. The dry grass is intended to soak up the moisture oozing out
on the inside.
Fig. 128 (,)95). Skin-Scraper, # nat. size.
After wringing, the skin is stretched on a frame and pounded on the inside
in the usual way until quite dry and soft, when it is again smoked as before. To
assist the drying process, especially in cool weather, a fire is often lighted close
by, and the stretched skin gently warmed in front of it from time to time. In
cold weather, skins are dressed inside the house. To give a skin a bright yellow
color, dry corncobs with a little wood ave burned under it. Fawn-skins are
generally softened by spreading over che knee and rubbing with a sharp stone or
scraper. Skins are also tanned in a decoction of Betula papyrifera Marsh.
Sometimes skins are left in water in a warm place till the hair can be pulled
off. By this means the outside cuticle of the skin is left on. Skins thus treated
are never smoked, and after being softened present a glossy appearance on the
outside. These are generally made into gloves. The Indians prefer the first
Fig. 129 (;4§5). Skin-Scraper, ? nat. size,
method of curing, Some Indians claim that the custom of smoking buckskins
was learned from the Okanagon, It is said that, after being smoked, the skin
does not shrink so much when it gets wet as it otherwise would ; while many
insist that if the skin be rubbed with brains, it need not be smoked at all.
The implements formerly used for sewing skins were wooden, bone, and horn
needles, and awls of different sizes. Bone awls are still used, but steel needles
have entirely supplanted the old-fashioned needles. In sewing skins, glovers’
be-
la
| is
ed
eld
he
ut
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 187
steel needles are now used. In place of pins long thorns were used. Thread
was made of willow and other bark, and also of deer-sinew and buckskin, and
the same is still used. In olden times embroidery was done with porcupine-
quills, often dyed different colors, and more recently, but before the arrival of the
whites, with horsehair, which was also often dyed. Beads also were very largely
used prior to 1858. Embroidery in beads rapidly went into disuse after the year
1858, and was superseded by embroidery done in silk thread, which at the present
day is almost universal. Very little beadwork has been done by the tribe for the
last twenty or twenty-five years. Although some of the patterns wrought at the
present day with silk may be old, most of them are copies of the white man’s
patterns,
Basketry. — Basketry-making is an im-
portant industry among the tribe. Above
Lytton, baskets of various shapes were
made of birch-bark, while spruce-bark was
used for the largest kind of baskets. The
bark is generally cut as shown in Fig. 130.
The edges are stitched with split spruce
or poplar roots. The rim is strengthened
by means of a hoop made of split willow-
twigs that is placed on the inside, over
which the bark is stitched with split spruce-
roots. The rim is often ornamented with
stitches made of the bark of Prunus demtssa
Walpers. The outside of these baskets .s
often ornamented with incised or red painted
designs.
The lower division of the tribe and the
Upper Fraser division make beautiful coiled
basketry of cedar-twigs. This .ype of bas- Fig. 130 (748s). Pattern for Birch-bark Basket.
ketry is made by the Chilcotin, Lillooet,
Lower Thompson Indians, and by a number of tribes inhabiting the Cascade
Mountains, in the State of Washington.
Only women and girls occupy themselves with this work. These baskets
are made from the small trailing roots of the cedar (7haja gigantea Nutt.)
They are dug p with an ordinary root-digger, and pieces of the desired length
and of about the thickness of a finger are cut off. These are buried in the
ground to keep them fresh. When required, they are taken out, and peeled or
scraped with a sharp stone or knife. They are then hung up until dry enough
for use. Next they are split into long strips by inserting and pressing forward
the point of the bone awl used in basket-making. The awl is made of a long
bone of a deer, which is split and pointed. The pieces which split the desired
width and thickness throughout their entire length are used for stitching purposes,
ce al Sle a ln lh Ram an NS il Ae all tll la
(i a IK a
188 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
while the others which split irregularly, or are too short or too thin to be used for
that purpose, are put together in bundles of about a dozen each, to form the
coils. In weaving, these are kept continuous and of uniform thickness by adding
fresh pieces as required, and the whole is covered by whip-stitching with the long
regular pieces of splint already mentioned. The coils are laid around, one on
top of another, and stitched over and under, commencing at the bottom of the
basket (Fig. 131, @). With each stitch the awl is made to split part of the
splint whipped around the lower coil. The bottom of the basket is made either
of coils worked in the ordinary manner, or of thin pieces of wood stitched over.
Most of these baskets are water-tight.
In another kind of basketry thin pliable strips of cedar-sap or other wood are
used as coils instead of the bunches of split roots, These are stitched over in the
same manner and with the same material as the other kind, but are neither as
strong nor as durable, nor are they water-tight.
Ornamentation in basketry is produced by hooking in strips of grass and bark
with the stitches, so that they cover the latter on the outside only. This is done
by bringing the piece of grass over the outside of the last stitch, then doubling it
back and catching the doubled end with the next stitch. The outsides of some
baskets are completely covered in this manner, so that the whipped cedar-splints
can only be seen from the inside. The grass used is that called nho’itlexin. It
is long, very smooth, and of a glossy yellow-white color. To make it whiter,
diatomaceous earth of the same kind as is used for cleaning and whitening
goat's hair is sometimes spread over it, and it is then .eaten with a flat stick ona
mat or skin. The grass is seldom dyed, as the colors are said to fade soon.
The Upper Fraser and the Lytton bands sometimes use Elymus triticoides Nutt.
instead of this grass. The bark used is that of Prunus demissa Walpers, which
is either left its natural light reddish-brown color, or is dyed by burying it
in damp earth. By thus keeping it underground for a short time, it assumes a
dark-brown color, while when kept longer it becomes quite black.
Large open-work baskets made of cedar-twigs (Fig. 131, 6) are also used by
the Lower Thompson Indians, while they are unknown on the upper courses of
the rivers. These baskets are of the same make as those used on the coast. The
rim is made by forming a coil out of the upper, free ends of the twigs, and whip-
ping it with another long twig.
Nowadays the Upper Fraser band occasionally make baskets from the stalks
and leaves of Indian-corn.
Mats.— The Upper Thompson Indians make a variety of mats of tule
(Sctrpus sp.) and bulrushes ( Zypha latifolia L.), which are woven or sewed with
twine made of the bark of Apocynum cannabinum L. The method of making
large tent-mats is shown in Fig, 131,¢. The end of the mat is made of rosewood.
The reeds are strung on bark strings, and held in place by other bark strings
which pass around them near their ends. Mats made of young reeds and bul-
rushes, which are used to cover the floor of the lodge and as table-mats, are
rat Saree
WW
SL
i Fic, 131. DETAILS OF WEAVING.
a (qh¥x), Coiled Basket, nat. size; d(ghfs), 0 en-work Basket, nat. size ; c (dp), Rush Mat, § nat. size ; d (449q), Grass Mat, nat. size; ¢ (rb9a)s
Small Rush ‘Mat, 3 nat. size; / (1 $3), Rush Mat, 4 nat. size 5 g (rife), Skin Blanket, 4 nat. size ; h (hfe), Square Bag, } nat, size;
7 (rh¥s), Round Bag, ¢ nat, size.
[189]
<<" -
190 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
woven in a different manner. The selvage consists of a two-stranded bark string,
which holds the warp. The latter is of a lighter two-stranded bark string, which
is passed through the selvage string, as shown in Fig. 131, @ The grasses
are woven into this groundwork as indicated in the same figure. By using grass
of different colors, patterns are obtained. Sometimes strands of wool are woven
into the mat in place of grass. At the lower end the rushes are generally cut off.
This kind of matting is also used for making pouches. Some table-mats are
woven in a still different manner. They are made of young tule or bulrushes,
and tied with a twine made of Afocynum cannabinum L. or El@agnus argentea
Pursh, (Fig. 131, ¢,/). This method of weaving is identical with that used by the
Coast Indians in making cedar-bark blankets. It is also used by the Thompson
Indians in weaving matting for the manufacture of bags, and in weaving
blankets of twisted strips of rabbit-skin (Fig. 131, g), pouches, and socks of
sagebrush.
WEAVING AND Nettinc.—Threads were made of the fibre of Apocynum can-
nabinum L. and of Asclepias spectosa Torr. The former was traded to the Lower
Thompsons. When bark-fibre was not available, the Lower Thompsons used nettle.
The fibre was shredded and cleaned by being pulled with the left hand over the
sharp edge of a small board held in the right, the bark being pressed down against
this instrument with the thumb of the right hand. This fibre is spun on the bare
thigh into a two-stranded twine. Bags are also woven in the following manner :
The threads of the warp, which consist of two-stranded bark twine, are held in sets
of two by loops of the woof. In each row the loops of the woof hold that pair
of warp threads which in the preceding row belongs to two adjoining loops (Fig.
131, 4). The fabric is thus considerably strengthened.
The selvage edges of these fabrics are often made of
strips of skin. Round bags of this kind are woven by
first tying the warp of two-stranded twine with the
woof, This portion forms the bottom of the bag. The
woof is continued down spirally, and the bag is widened
by putting new warp strands around the extreme lateral
woof strands (Fig. 131, 2). When the bag is to be nar-
rowed towards its upper end, the warp strands are
een joined into the loops of the woof as required. The
Fig. 132 (tits). Detail of Woven Bag. upper end is finished by sewing the loose ends of the
warp into a strip of buckskin (Fig. 150).
Wallets are also made of a twined weaving, the character of which is shown
in Fig, 132. Designs on these fabrics are made in embroidery or by weaving
colored grasses or bark twine into the fabric, as shown in the same figure. This
style of weaving seems to have been acquired recently through intercourse with
the Sahaptin.
The Lower Thompson Indians weave mats of strips of cedar-bark of the
same style as those used by the Coast Indians (Fig. 133).
N
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, Ig!
At the present day rag mats or rugs are often made from scraps of cloth,
calico, etc. The patterns on these are mostly the same as those on basketry.
The weaving of blankets was an important industry among the Lower
Thompson Indians, The Coast Salish utilized both dog-hair and goat-hair
in their manufacture, but the Thompson Indians seem
to have used the latter only. Sometimes the wool
was made whiter or cleaned by mixing a quantity of
baked white diatomaceous earth with it and beating
the whole with a flat stick, The manner of making
the thread is exactly the same as that described by
Dr. Boas as the process employed by the Songish.'
The loom and spindle are also the same, excepting
that both disk and shaft of the latter are of wood. I, Mig. 433 (lf. Detail of Cedarbark Mu.
cannot describe the exact manner of weaving, as I
Fig. 134 Gdio). Netting-Stick.
3} nat. size.
Tribes of Canada, 1894, p. 567.
never saw it done; but the whole process of blanket-
making, and the implements used, are said to be exactly
the same as those found among the Lower Fraser
Indians. Most blankets had a fringe of tassels, six to nine
inches in length, along one end. Black bear’s hair made
into threads, and spun threads of goat's hair dyed either
yellow with lichens or red with alder-bark, were woven
into the blankets in patterns similar to those used in bas-
ketry. The Indians of Spuzzum continue to make these
blankets at the present day.
For making nets, thread of the bark of Apocynum
cannabinum L. was used. A wooden netting-stick (Fig.
134) served for making the meshes of equal size. The
meshes were made with a double knot.
1 Ninth Report of the Committec of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, on the Northwestern
t
6
3
!
Pt
aS
— a OR a A lh EEE NEES SAN IE a BERS SK
IIIL— HOUSE AND HOUSEHOLD.
Hapitations.—The houses of the tribe were similar to those of the Shuswap
and Okanagon. Like all the southern tribes of the interior, they used a semi-
subterranean hut, in the Chinook jargon called ‘“kekule-house,” as a winter
dwelling. These winter houses were generally built in the valleys of the prin-
cipal rivers, within easy distance of water, and were inhabited by groups of fami-
lies related to each other, who, although scattered during the hunting and fishing
seasons, dwelt together during the winter. These dwellings rarely numbered
more than three or four at one place, and often there was but a single house.
The size conformed to the number of people (from fifteen to thirty) to be
accommodated,
A spot with loose soil was selected for the site of the underground house.
The person who desired to build the house asked all his neighbors to assist.
Frequently twenty or thirty people came, so that the building was sometimes
completed in a single day. They were given food by the owner of the house,
whose relatives contributed from their store of provisions. The site was laid out
in the following way : A bark rope was knotted at a distance of from twenty to
forty feet from one end, according to the proposed diameter of the house. A
second rope was marked off the same length as the first. Then the two ropes
were crossed on the ground at right angles, the middle being determined by eye.
Sometimes the centre was determined by folding the two ropes over and tying
them together in the middle. Then they were laid down so as to be at right
angles, The centre and each end were marked with a small stake. With the
four stakes on the circumference as a guide, a man marked a circle on the
ground with a stick, Then the women began to dig the soil with their digging-
sticks (see Fig. 212), They also used wooden scrapers with sharp, flat blades.
The loose earth was put into large baskets with the hands and by means of small
baskets. The contents of the large baskets were then dumped near the hole, to
be used later on for covering the roof. Green timber was generally used for the
heavy posts of the house (Figs. 135, 136, and Plate XV). This was measured
with bark ropes, the length being determined by eye, in accordance with the
diameter of the hole. Then trees were cut, barked, and hauled to the building-
site with stout bark rope. Generally these. timbers were not squared. They
were worked with wedges, hammers, and stone adzes. The thin poles used for
the roof of the house were also barked, except when dry wood was employed for
this purpose. They were cut, tied into bundles, and carried to the building-site
with ordinary packing-lines by men or women. After the wood was obtained and
cut, the upright braces (Figs. 135, 136, a) were erected. These were placed
about fifteen inches deep in the ground, which was firmly pressed down by stamp-
ing it with the feet and beating it with sticks. The tops of the braces were
notched to support the rafters (4). The butt-ends of these were placed about
[192]
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 193
two feet deep in the ground, one at each of the four points marked when the
circle was laid out. The braces and rafters were securely connected with willow
FE aa
4 Hat
a) a
q &
a
<i
Be
Pe " a
rd ;
Bee "1
4 i
.! cA
ia
cy
Figs. 135, 136. Plan and Elevation of Underground House,
withes. The rafters did not meet in the centre. The side-rafters (c) rested on
a the ground and on the outside of the main rafters, at the place where these were
4 supported by the uprights. The rafters were either notched for the reception of
(a rem th i a Di
194 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
the braces, or they were simply tied on, while their butt-ends were embedded in
the ground. Horizontal poles (¢) from one to two feet apart were tied to these
rafters and side-rafters, They formed the support for the roof-covering, Above
the place where the side-rafters and main rafters join, the poles were placed much
nearer together, often so that on the ends of the poles of two opposite sides
rested the next pair of the other two sides, The ends of the rafters were con-
nected by four heavy timbers (¢), which formed the entrance,
This structure was covered with poles or pieces of split wood (/), which ran
from the ground to the entrance, as shown in Fig, 136, their ends resting on the
rafters and side-rafters, They were not tied to the framework, They were
covered with pine-needles or dry grass; and then the entire structure was
covered with earth, which was beaten and stamped down firmly. The Lower
‘thompson Indians, owing to the heavy rainfall prevailing in their country, lined
these houses with large pieces of cedar-bark, the inner side out.
A large notched log (g), with its butt-end resting on the ground near the
centre of the apartment, and the other end in the square hole or entrance, gave
access to the house, This log, or ladder, was placed almost upright. It leaned
against the west side of the entrance-hole, to which it was firmly lashed. The fire
was at its foot, and separated from it by a slab of stone, which protected it from
the heat. A groove was cut along the back of the log, from near the bottom
to the top, to serve as a hold for the hand. The small end of the ladder, above
the hole, was often rudely carved in the form of the head of a bird, animal, etc.,
or was painted in red or other color, in patterns. Sometimes these ornamen-
tations represented the guardian spirit of the builder or principal man of the
house, but usually they were for adornment only. The head man of the house
sometimes painted new designs, according to his dreams, The ladder was
generally placed with its small end slightly leaning toward the east. Persons
coming in or going out descended or ascended with their face toward the north-
east, and the right hand in the groove. Some Indians claim that all the
southern interior tribes made these ladders lean slightly toward the east,
and that they all, with the exception of the northern Shuswap, ascended and
descended in the manner above described. The northern Shuswap invariably
took hold of the groove with the left hand, turning their face toward the south-
east, and back to the fire, which was always built on the north side of the
ladder. When entering the house, they gave warning by shouting “ A’la!”
This was dene that the women who were cooking might have time to pro-
tect the food from dust or dirt. The spaces between the four main beams
were called rooms or houses, and took their names from the points of the
compass, the main rafters being placed N.E.-S.W. and N.W.-S.E.
These houses were generally inhabited from December till February or the
beginning of March, according to the severity of the winter. Though inconven-
ient, they were extremely warm, hence the inmates were generally scantily at-
tired. Up to fifteen or twenty years ago, almost the entire tribe lived in these
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 195
houses during the winter, but by degrees the ordinary log-house. of the whites
have superseded them. The last one went out of use among the Spences Bridge
band about 1890, Plate XV shows the remains of an underground house in
Nicola Valley, as it appeared in 1897, After these dwellings were deserted, the
framework disappeared, and a circular hole remained, Great numbers of these
are found throughout the country (see Part III, Plate XIII), The Indians of
Yale constructed a few of these dwellings shortly before 1858, but ordinarily
they lived in large lodges made of split planks. Only one single instance is
known of a lodge of this kind being built in Spuzzum. It was constructed
about forty years ago, by people related to the Coast Indians,
Throughout the year, excepting the three coldest months, the abode of
the Indians was the summer lodge,—a framework of poles, covered with mats
or bark. These lodges were square or round, The latter was the kind common
among the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands, Elsewhere the square lodge was
universally used. The construction of either kind was very simple.
The square lodge was built as follows: A flat piece of ground was selected
and cleared of obstructions, Two pairs of stout poles (Fig. 137, a) were tied
together with willow withes at their small ends, and set up about ten feet apart,
forming the gable ends of the lodge. They were held in position by three or
four cross-poles (4) on each side, reaching horizontally from one pair to the
other. Two or three poles running parallel with the two pairs of poles (@) were
sometimes tied to these. The gable ends were formed by placing several short
poles (¢) with their lower ends set out some distance and their tops leaning
against the two main poles, The doorway, or entrance, to the lodge was in one
of the gable ends. Over the bottom of this framework, around the circumfer-
ence, were spread long reed mats, measuring about five by twelve feet. An-
other row of mats, slightly overlapping the lower ones, was laid above these, and
so on to within about three feet of the point where the poles met. The space
above was left open for the exit of smoke and the admittance of light. This
type of lodge, covered with strips of cedar-bark, was also used by the Lower
Thompsons,
In a common variety of the square type, the four corner poles were made
to converge at the top to within about two feet of one another, where they were
held in position by four short cross-pieces, just as in the winter house. This
kind of lodge (Fig. 139) looked almost circular, and very much like a winter
house covered with mats, excepting that the ends of the four poles protruded,
and that there was no ladder visible. In some (Fig. 138; Plate XVI, Fig. 3)
the two sets of poles were tied together as in the ordinary square lodge, and
were set slanting toward one another to within three or four feet of meeting.
In building circular lodges, which were larger than the square ones, a dozen
or more long poles were placed some distance apart, with their butts upon
the ground, outside the cleared space, forming a complete circle from fifteen
‘
&
196 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
to twenty feet in diameter. The poles were placed with their small ends toward
the centre of the space, where they met and supported one another without
being fastened together. Other methods of building the framework of the
round lodge are shown in Figs. 140 and 141. The plan employed in the lodge
shown in Fig. 141 is also illustrated in Fig. 2 of Plate XVI. Fig. 1 of the same
plate shows the completed lodge. The mats were placed as on the square
lodges. At night and in bad weather the opening at the top was covered by a
flap, which consisted of a mat or skin fastened to a long, slender pole. Some-
times the earth was banked up half a foot around the bottom of the lodge, and
two or three layers of mats were used. Among the Nicola and Spences Bridge
bands, skins — chiefly buffalo-hide, or deer, elk, moose, or caribou skins — were
often substituted for mats. These were often painted in different colors and
figures, The Lower Thompson Indians did not use round lodges. The lodges
varied in size. They often measured twelve feet from the surface of the ground
to the smoke-hole. The floor was covered with small fir-branches, which were
spread more thickly near the wall where the people slept. The fire was in the
middle of the lodge; and the doorway was a space, three feet by five feet or
less, ieft in the ‘ower row of mats, over which was hung a piece of mat, skin,
or blanket, a little larger than the hole, and stiffened at the lower end by a thin
piece of stick.
Ail these types of lodges are still used by the older people; but the young
people prefer, in the summer-time, tents of cotton drilling or light canvas.
They are easy to pitch and stake, and light to carry.
To accommodate large numbers, such as gather at potlatches, fishing-places,
etc., the Indians made use of large lodges (Fig. 142), closed or covered at the
back, but open in front. The roof rested on long, slanting poles (@), which were
supported by shorter braces (4), to which they were tied. These poles were set
ten or twelve feet apart. Long horizontal poles (¢) were placed across the roof
poles. These were covered with mats, tenting, etc. Opposite, at a distance of
fifteen feet, was placed another shelter of the same kind. The open sides faced
each other; and in the space between, large log-fires were lighted. For better
protection against the wind, gable ends of fir-branches or brush were laid across
from one shelter to the other, making one huge lodge, which was often fifty or
sixty feet in length.
Besides these, the Upper and Lower Thompsons use the hunting-lodge.
Its shape is that of the square lodge, but larger, with heavier poles. Instead of
mats, sticks and bark spread with fir-branches are used for covering. It is gener-
ally built in sheltered valleys in the mountains, close to good hunting-ground, and
used in the fall of the year.
Another lodge, generally used but once, is the “ brush-house,” thrown up
temporarily by hunting-parties in the winter or early spring, and consisting of a
square or conical framework of light poles covered with fir or spruce branches.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 197
Where good bark was abundant, as in Lotani Valley, these lodges were built on
the plan of the square type. Spruce, balsam fir, or black pine, in long strips
and as wide as possible, was spread over the poles with the smooth side of
Fig. 137. Rig, 158
Fig. 139.
Fig. 142.
Figs. 137-142. Framework of Lodges.
the bark out. The Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark only. Frequently the
temporary lodges of the Lower Thompsons were only a single slanting roof,
similar in construction to the large shelter described before (Fig. 142), but much
smaller.
:
.
swears <2
198 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Close by the hunting-lodge, or near an Indian village, is sometimes found a
temporary structure for the habitation of girls when coming to womanhood. It
is conical, and made entirely of fir branches and tops. Four small fir-trees are
placed in a square, and their tops are tied together. The branches of the trees
are knotted together, and the open spaces filled with fir tops and twigs.
Another house is built for women during their periods of menstruation. As
these are occupied a few days only, they are roughly made of brush, while the
Lower Thompsons use cedar-bark. They are generally conical. The last two
dwellings are made large enough for a person to sit inside with ease. In the
ecatre of most of the lodges for adolescent girls there is a small circular hole into
which the girl places her feet, or in which she squats down. These houses are
fast going out of use.
Still another structure is the ‘sweat-house.” These houses are always found
close to water. They are similar to those in use among the Shuswap, and
generally consist of a dozen or more willow wands bent over, and both ends stuck
into the ground; the longest ones in the middle, and the shortest «cs on each
side. One half are placed at right angles to the other half, givin t) structure
a round shape, and are fastened at each intersection with withes (Vlate XVII,
Fig. 2). To form the door, the wands are placed iar enough apart tc admit a
man creeping on handsand knees. A hole a foot square is dug on one side of the
entrance to hold the hot stone. Some sweat-houses are made of shorter wands
with their butt-ends in the ground, their small ends bent toward one another, and
interwoven. They are shaped like the others (Plate XVII, Fig. 3). When in
use, the structure is covered over with blankets to keep in the hot air and steam.
When the person sweating has finished his bath, the blankets are taken away to
be used on another occasion. Sweat-houses near favorite camping-places are
built with more care. A larger number of willows are used, forming almost a
network. The structure is then covered thickly with dry pine-needles, and that
again with a thick covering of earth (Plate XVII, Fig. 1). It is then perfectly
tight, excepting the door, which is covered with a piece of blanket or skin whe»
the building is #1 use. Some are covered all over or only around the bott 9:
with bark; with these a blanket is also used. The floor is covered thickly \.'t'
the ends of fresh fir-boughs, often mixed with juniper, sagebrush, or other aro ..1a1 ::
plants. These houses accommodate from one to four persons in a squatting pos-
ture. When wands are not available, the Nicola band build the framework of
their sweat-houses of poles, as in a conical lodge.
The cache is used for the storage of provisions and utensils, Caches are
sometimes made on the lower limbs of a large tree with spreading top. A few
poles are spread from one limb to the other, their ends being tied. The articles
are then placed on top of these poles ; and the whole, covered with bark and mats,
is secured with ropes. The most common cache is the Indian cellar. This is
used solely for the storing of berries, fish, ete. A circular! vie 2 out four feet in
depth, and of the necessary diameter, is dug. In it are caretuuny laid the articles
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 199
to be stored. If these are berries or roots, they are placed in baskets, and
wrapped over with birch-bark. The roof is then put on. It consists of small
poles laid closely side by side across the excavation. Above these are laid in
the same manner, but at right angles, another row of poles. The structure is
then covered with pine-needles and earth. An opening is left in the centre of
the poles for removing stored articles. This is generally closed by putting sticks
or bark acros3 it, and covering them with earth. Sometimes these cellars,
especially those for storing fish, are made in the side of a bank, in which case the
door is generally in the side. The cache common among the Lower Thompsons
is in the form of a large box, usually of boards, with a slanting roof sometimes on
both sides, like that of a house. It is generally raised on posts five or six feet
above the ground, has a small door in one of the gable ends, and is approached
by a short ladder placed underneath (Plate XIV, Fig. 2). At the present day
mai.t’ of them are roofed with shingles instead of bark, and a roll of tin is nailed
around part of each post, to keep mice and other animals out.
The Upper Thompsons build scaffolds of poles, about five feet above the
ground, near their houses. They are used for storing cumbersome articles, such
as saddles, etc. (Plate XVI, Fig. 1).
At the present day the Thompson Indians live in villages of well-built log-
houses, most of which are floored with lumber and have shingle roofs. Some of
these buildings are inhabited the whole year round, others only at intervals
throughout the year. The inhabitants often camp near their favorite hunting,
fishing, root-digging, or gold-mining resorts, or on their reserves, and engage in
agricultural pursuits. Many Indians, during the farming season, live in small
log-houses. There still remain a few Indians of the tribe who prefer to camp out
in summer lodges during the entire year.
House-Furnisuincs. — The Indians slept on a thick layer of brush or dry
grass covered with skins or grass mats. ‘The rolled-up ends of these, or skin
bags filled with down of bulrushes or of birds, served as pillows. Hammock beds
were used inside of winter houses. These were made of buckskin stretched on
thongs, which were fastened to the beams or posts of the house. Other mats,
spread on the ground at meal-times, served for tables. These measured about
three feet by five feet. The people squatted round the mat, helping themselves
to the food. When at home, they usually squatted or sat on the ground in a
reclining attitude. The tribe still do so when in camp, but most of their houses
are now tolerably we!i furnished.
Baskets and Bags. — Baskets and bags are used for storage as well as for carry-
ing and various other purposes. The lower division of the tribe sell many of
their cedar-rovi baskets to the upper division, so that they are quite often found
among the latter. Large oblong baskets with lids are used for storing food and
clothing. Smaller ones of the same kind serve for holding sewing-materials and
trinkets, Their lids slide up and down on a string, which at the same time serves
asa handle, Recently the lids have been hinged to the baskets (Fig. 143). The
a ae
—_a
AL i A ai MBE lS EN EB
200 TEIT, THE THOMPSON
most common kind of basket is somewhat conical (Fig. 144), and is used for a
carrying. Still another kind, which is rounded, or, as the Indians say, nut-
shaped (Fig. 145), was formerly used for holding water. Round, open bas-
“AU J
com Mat i
Oi 1 Ww
iw we Mam (7 i ante
i,
PUT TR Ht
i TTR ng |
wf
wo
yom PPPPON WT
OT Le
PUEDE DP
TTD a)
Fig. 143 (144s). Oblong Basket. Height,
ans belonging to the Lytton band formerly used the same kind of baskets for
saddle-bags. Recently, in imitation of objects seen among the whites, the Lower
Thompsons have begun to
make baskets in the shape of
trays, pitchers, goblets, etc.
The upper division of the
tribe used more frequently
than cedar-root baskets those
of their own manufacture,
made of birch-bark, and occa-
sionally of poplar and spruce
bark (Fig. 147). These bas-
kets varied much in size, and
were used for purposes of
storage and transportation, as
buckets and cups, and for
cooking. Large baskets, about
three feet high, three feet
long, and two feet and a half
wide, made of poplar or spruce bark, the smooth side turned outward, were used
in the winter houses for the storage of provisions. They had hoops around the
middle and around the rim, and were often painted with pictures.
ett
WW Atty
1 Wr WANA a WACACHESERECELUUALRALUCE c
INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
kets served as kettles, the food .
being boiled by throwing hot 4
stones into the baskets into
which it had been placed. Still 3
another kind of basket has a
flat back, which is made to
hang against the post or wall
(Fig. 146). In shape it is sim-
ilar to the fish-baskets used by
anglers. Such baskets are
used for holding tobacco and
pipes, a hole in the centre of
the lid allowing the pipe-stem
to protrude. At one time they
were much used for holding
bait and fishing-tackle, for
13 inches. which reason they were called
“used for bait.” Some Indi-
RIT yy
Ahn
sien
ani TA
- aoe
mn Pama 1 ~
yi RAABBARE Th ast,
Way
wit
I
rhirry
ont
in Yy kanes AARALIL
Ne an
Wi
i
4
Fig. 144 (gd#5). Conical Basket. Height, 12 inches.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 201
Large open-work baskets made of cedar-twigs, of the same shape as those
used by the Lower Lillooet and the Coast tribes,
were also made by the Lower Thompson Indians,
especially near Spuzzum (Fig. 148). They were
used for carrying fish, Very few of them are used
at the present day.
Bags of various
kinds are still used by
the Upper Thompson
Indians, — large ones,
mostly rectangular in
shape, for storage ; and
small ones for pouches.
Some of them are made
of a piece of matting or
bark fabric, which is
folded over and sewed
up at both sides with a
piece of buckskin (Fig.
.
Pett ht hae
ttt!
Fig. 145. Fig. 146
Fig. 145 (g8z). Round Basket. Height, 7 inches.
Fig. 146 (gh$5). Flat-backed Basket. Height, 9 inches.
149). The top is left open, and is closed, when required, by a buckskin lacing.
Another bag, generally large, is circular or sack-shaped (Fig. 150; see also p. 190).
They also make large painted bags of stiff
hide set with fringe (Fig. 151). Smaller
pouches for odds and ends are square. The
back piece is longer than the front, and
laps over to form a cover (Fig. 152). They
are made of dressed buckskin, dressed or
undressed buffalo-skin, fawn and other skins
with the hair left on, but also of fine matting,
and more recently of cloth, They are often
ornamented on either side with wide buck-
skin fringe, and are
either embroidered
witi. silk and beads
or painted. Another
bag, for holding nee-
dles, thread, etc., was
made of a narrow
piece of buckskin, on
which other pieces of
buckskin were sewed
in the form of pock-
Fig. 147 (sia). Birch-bark Basket, Front and Side Views. Height, 8) inches. ets, This was hung
ra © 4
eS
“
Aes wesasss
ac ca NA I RS RAR
202 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH, COLUMBIA.
up near the bed, or rolled up and tied with a string. Small and medium-sized
bags were sometimes made from fibre, and worked in colored patterns. Most
—
—= =
== =.//
(il il ia if in! tl
= St ll
i ii ii ie i
= .
22
i =
|=
a)
—_ Ww
) =e’
—' =
a:
fa
=
=—/
——
=~—
—
= =— +
Fig. 148 (s§{s). Open-work Basket. Height, 19 inches,
falta ieaiay,
nimi nN
of these bags are still in use
among the tribe. Grass mats
and bags were ornamented with
dyed grasses,
Various Household Utenstls.—
A small pot for paint or ochre
was one of the few stone vessels
used. It is doubtful whether
this kind of pot was made by the
tribe. It was scarce among
them. Large, flat stones were
used for grinding dried meat and
berries on (see Part III, Fig. 33).
Large carved stone vessels (Figs.
153, 154) were used for catching
drippings of oil, for grinding to-
bacco-leaves, berries, etc. Among
the lower division, square boxes
and buckets bent of wood, in
the same style that prevails on the coast, are in use.
All kinds of dry food were spread on the table-mat.
Liquid food was served in the basket in which it was
cooked. It was either supped out of the basket or
poured into small bark cups. Fish and sometimes
meat an:: roots were served in flat, oblong birch-bark
vessels, The Lower Thompson Indians frequently
Fig. 149 (:4%7). Bag. Width, 29 inches,
Fig. 150 (y}%3). Round Bag. Height, 28 inches,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 203
ee ee Tes
ed used wooden trays (Fig. 155) of varying sizes. Spoons of many sizes, generally
st large (Figs. 156, 157), were made of alder or birch, also of mountain-sheep’s horn,
Se ‘i Short-handled spoons were made of the skull-cap of the deer (Fig. 158). Large
its 4 horn spoons are still common. Other wooden utensils were a smooth, rounded
th fi stick, with one end thicker than the other, for stirring liquid food (Fig. 159);
q a pestle, bottle-shaped, for mashing berries, etc.; the same implement as the
—_ 4 i hammer used for driving wedges (Figs. 120, 121); and tongs, for lifting the hot
re 4 stones when cooking. These tongs were simply two sticks flattened towards
Is a one end, and were used one in each hand (Fig. 160).
er a
he 4
ig a
id Be V7,
a DA i
)) Be IN Liza se
: q Aye IF:
Ig 4 ze
0- 3
ig a
eS 4
in a
Fig. 151 (y4¥z). Bag made of Hide. Width, 15 inches. Fig. 152 (y4¥s). Pouch. 4 nat. size.
Fire was obtained by means of the fire-drill, which consisted of two dried
4 sticks, each over a foot in length, and rounded off to less than an inch in diame-
S ter. One stick was sharpened at one end; while the other was marked with a
4 couple of notches close to each other, — one on the side, and the other on top.
The sharpened end of the first stick was placed in the top notch of the other
q stick, and turned rapidly between the straightened palms of both hands. The
“a heat thus produced by the friction of the sticks caused sparks to fall down the
2 side notch upon tinder placed underneath, which, when it commenced to smoke,
a was taken in the hands, and blown upon until fanned into a flame. The tinder
sy was dry grass, the shredded dry bark of the sagebrush, or cedar-bark. The
. q sharpened stick was called the ‘‘man,” and was made of black-pine root, tops of
x
iy
9
Aes wesaesss
204 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Fig. 153. Fig. 154.
Fig. 153 (1491). Stone Vessel representing a Frog, Length, 13 inches,
Fig. 154 (182). Stone Vessel representing a Cup with Snake coiled around it, Length, 17 inches,
Fig. 155 (gh%5)."— Wooden Tray, Length, 24h inches.
Fig 158 (zk§1). Spoon made of
Figs. 156 (1495), 157 (14$q). Wooden Spoons, Lengths, 18 inches and 9 inches. the kull-Cap of a Deer. § nat,
nS es Se
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 205
young yellow pine, heart of yellow-pine cones, service-berry wood, etc. The
notched stick was called the “woman,” and was generally made of poplar-root.
However, many kinds of wood were used for this purpose. When hot ashes or
0
Fig. 159. Fig. 160, Fig, 161,
Fig. 159 (1483). Stirrer. Length, 38 inches.
Fig. 160 (y4§1a, 6). Pair of Tongs. Length, 37 inches. a, Inner View of One Leg ; 4, Inner and Outer Views of Other Leg.
Fig. 161 (g4¥5). Slow-match, } nat. size.
a spark fell upon the tinder, they said, “The woman has given birth.” Dry
limbs of trees were gathered by means of a long stick (sometimes fifteen feet in
length) with a wooden or horn hook at the end.
Fire was carried from place to place by means of a slow-match made of
cedar-bark (Fig. 161). Some of these would keep the fire for over two days.
1V,—CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS.
The dress of the Thompson Indians, before their intercourse with the Hud-
son Bay Company, was made almost entirely of dressed skins, with or without
the hair. The poorer class were rather scantily clad, while those who were
richer, or were good hunters and trappers, had an abundant supply of clothing,
though some of them did not wear much in the summer. The disparity of
clothing among the several portions of the tribe was due to their trading facili-
ties, The Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, who had an abundance of deer in
their own country, and who also traded with the Okanagon, were better provided
with skin garments than the Indians below Lytton, who had few deer in their
country, and were less favorably situated for trading.
CrLoruinc or Upper Tuompsons,—The principal articles of clothing were
shirts, trousers, and robes, The shirts worn by the men reached halfway to the
knees, and were generally made of two doe or buck skins sewed together (necks
down). The sleeves were wide, and the neck was furnished with a lacing.
The hind-legs of the skin formed the sleeves ; and along the entire length of the
back of each was a fringe of cut skin, this being the only ornament. Among the
mpenees Bridge and Nicola bands some of the shirts had bone beads, dentalia,
and colored glass beads strung on
the fringe ; while others were or-
namented at the bottom and shoul-
ders, as well as down the sleeves
and over the seams, with porcupine-
quills (sometimes dyed red and
yellow) and feathers, and with
a fringe of horsehair, dyed or un-
dyed, instead of the ordinary skin.
This mode of decoration was not
generally adopted, and is said to
have been copied from the Okana-
gon. Some shirts were decorated
according to directions given by
the guardian spirit of the owner.
Buffalo-skin shirts (Fig. 162)
were made somewhat in poncho
style, with a slit extending down
the chest. A skin collar was laced
to the neck part, which could be
drawn tight by means of the lacing. Front and back were cut off square,
the back part being longer than the front. The sides were cut into a wide
fringe. At a convenient place below the arms, front and back were joined
[206]
Fig. 162 (,38y), Buffalo-skin Shirt,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 207
by means of a strap of buffalo-skin, which, being knotted at one end, was twice
drawn through two pairs of corresponding slits, and then knotted at the
free end. A buckskin shirt, somewhat similar in style, is shown in Fig. 163. It
consists of a single skin, fringed at the edges, and front and back sewed together
under the arms, It is decorated around the neck with holes and red paint. The
decorated part seems to representa poncho made of skin; the broad fringe on
each side-seam, tails,
Fig. 163 (g}§). Bucks \in Shirt, Front and Back Views.
Sometimes jackets (Fig. 164) were worn instead of shirts. These were
made of a single piece for the back, and of two front pieces which were joined in
the middle of the chest by means of strings. The long sleeves were each made
of a single piece of skin, with the seam on the under side of the arm. The
seams on the sides, below the sleeves, and on the shoulders, were set with skin
>
208 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
fringe. Sometimes jackets had a lacing along their lower edge, by means of
which they could be drawn tight around the waist.
More recently long buckskin coats (Fig. 165) have been used, often set with
fringe along all their seams,
and with fur of the animal
that was the guardian of the
owner, *
Long leggings made of
buckskin, reaching over the
thighs, were worn, They
_A were often trimmed with
fringe along the outside of
each leg, and were held up
by a buckskin strap fastened
J
TOE Fig. 164 (F48§)."7 Buckskin' Jacket,
to the belt around the waist (Fig. 166).
Short leggings consisted of a square piece
of heavy buckskin, which was wrapped a
couple of times around the leg, and held
in place immediately under the knee by a
garter, generally of twisted otter-skin, and
left open at the ankle. Some of the old
men continue to wear such leggings, Poor
people wore short leggings made of sage-
brush-bark, In Nicola Valley they used
bulrushes instead,
With the long leggings was worn a
breech-cloth,—a piece of buckskin which
passed between the thighs (Fig. 167). Fig. 165 (ai¥e). Buckskin Coat,
The ends were fastened to the belt in
front and behind, or the front end or both ends were held by the belt, hanging
down over it. In place of this, some of the old men hung a square piece of
buckskin or buffalo-skin from the waist in front.
Later the Indians imitated the trousers which they saw worn by the em-
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 209
ployees of the Hudson Bay Company. These were made of buckskin, From
the lower half of the thigh down, they were fringed, the fringe often increasing
jon LE acta fy a al
F yg. 167 (yh). Breech-cloth,
in width as it neared the
feet (Fig. 168). * Buck-
f skin trousers as short
4 fig, 166 (aM). Buckskin = aS a breech-cloth were
also used ; while others
reached below the knee, and were worn with
short leggings.
The Indians wore moccasins, The
soles of all moccasins are made of unsmoked
a buckskin. Skin of the black-tailed deer (Car-
tacus Columbianus), obtained from the Lower
Thompsons, is best adapted for making
aN moccasins, The leg-piece is made of smoked
doeskin, They are sewed with thread made
of deer-sinew. The style of moccasin used
about fifty or sixty years ago differed from
the one prevailing at the present time. In
3 former times the whole moccasin up to the
ankle was made of a single piece (Fig. 169).
My There was no seam at the inner side, but
f the skin was turned over the foot and cut off
3 to conform to its shape, and so that the seam
4 would extend along the toes and backward Fig, 168 (,}%3). Buckskin Trousers,
if
ASHI OMT
210 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUM.IA.
on the outer sidc of the foot, rising gradually towards the heel. A strip of skin,
often fringed, was sewed into this outer seam (a, a), The fringing sometimes
began near the toes, and increased in width towards the heel, or it began at the
instep and extended back to the heel. The top of the moccasin was brought
#.
ae
Na,
round to the heel, and both sides cut off at the heel end and sewed together (4, 4).
When this was done, a strip of the sole was left extending backward over the
heel. This was not cut off so as to form a seam with the pieces that were folded
over the sides of the heel, but was left standing in the shape of a trailer. The
part of the moccasin that lay over the instep was then cut so as to form a tongue
(c). The upper edge was cut off straight at about the height of the ankles, and
furnished with a lacing. To this edge the leg-piece was sewed, which was gener-
ally pinked. When in use, the leg-piece lapped over the tongue in front, and was
tied with the lacing, Sometimes a fringe was inserted in the seam joining the
upper to the moccasin.
Another cut of moccasin was made as follows (Fig. 170): A piece of skin
larger than the sole of the foot was
turned up and gathered over the toes
and the side of the foot, extenc ag up
behind nearly to the ankles. The heel
was made in the same inanrer as in
the moccasin just described. The up-
per extended nearly to the toes, and a
strip of skin was sewed over the seam
which joined it to the bottom piece.
The upper extended upward in a broad
tongue. The leg-piece was the same as
in the preceding kind. Many Indians
claim that this style of moccasin was
introduced about the beginning of this
Fig. 169 (sh'g). Moccasin.
Fig. 70 (gh). Moccasin,
oe
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 211
century from the Okanagon, while others maintain that it has been borrowed
from the Athapascan tribes to the north.
In the modern style of moccasin the bottom piece is cut still larger, so that
when turned over the foot it almost reaches up to the instep. The upper of this
moccasin is therefore very small. The bottom piece is gathered in in the same
way as just described ; but, owing to the great distance between the upper and
the toe, a wedge-shaped piece is cut out of the bottom piece in front, and the
latter sewed up, so that a seam runs from the upper to the toe, over the middle
of the foot. The leg-piece and the tongue are the same as in the moccasin just
described. This style of moccasin is frequently used in winter. It is made very
Fig. 171 (s$$4). Moccasin. Fig. 172 (fa). Moceasin,
SO AAS NY
Fig. 173. ‘Trailers of Moccasins.
large, so that socks of sagebrush or pieces of skin may be worn inside. Nowadays
the Indians use a coarse linen for the leg-pieces, because it dries more easily than
smoked doeskin (Fig. 171). Sometimes the toe is cut and sewed in a way
similar to that shown in Fig. 172, but this style has nearly gone out of use.
Almost all moccasins have trailers at the heel, from about one inch to two inches
and a half long (Fig. 173).
For walking on slippery ground, two strips of skin are sewed to the unde:
side of the sole of the moccasin, running crosswise (Fig. 171).
Another modern moccasin is made just like a slipper, with a sole, and an
upper which is sewed up at the heel. To this is attached an ankle-piece, which is
laced in front.
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212 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
The moccasins were occasionally ornamented with porcupine-quills, goose-
feathers, or horsehair, either dyed or undyed. In place of socks or stockings,
grass or sagebrush-bark was put inside the moccasins. In winter the wealthier
people substituted bear, buffalo, or other skin, with the hair side next the feet.
Some of these bits of skin were sewed into the form of socks. Buffalo and bear
hair, sagebrush-bark, and grass were used for weaving socks. Some of these have
closed heels, are laced in front, and padded with loose sagebrush-bark ; while
others are open at the heel, and have a tongue in front (Fig. 174). They also
wore stockings reaching to the knee, usually made of the leg-skin of the deer, the
hair being inside. Poor people also wore long boots made of sagebrush-bark,
Figs. 174 (148), (.d$.9- Socks made of Sajebrush-bark, Fig. 175 (4490). Knit Stocking,
that reached up to the thighs, These were pac ‘ed with loose sagebrush-bark.
The upper part was decorated with two feathers hanging down from behind.
Recently they have begun to use knit stockings of their own manufacture. They
are made of coarse wool of two colors, and show the same designs as were used
for decorating bags (Fig. 175).
Formerly gloves were not used, but in winter the Indians wore mittens,
which were fastened round the neck by a long string. These mittens were also
made of the leg-skin of the deer, and were worn with the hair inside.
Most of the Indians wore a plain or twisted narrow band of skin encircling
the head. More recently head-bands made of cloth have been worn (Fig. 176).
Often the long hair was gathered behind and tied with a thong which was at-
TELIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 213
tached to a beaded strip of buckskin (l’ig. 177). Caps made of skins of various
animals, such as beaver, deer, fox, lynx, loon, hawk, and eagle, were frequeutly
worn, Sometimes the head-skin of the animal served as a cap (Fig. 178), while
the skins of smaller animals were worn so that the head formed the front of the
hat, and the tail hung down behind. Many men wore caps made of the skin of
the animal that was their guardian spirit. Fig. 179 shows a head-band made
of two coyote-tails, and decorated with chicken-hawk feathers. Red and green
Fig. 176 (y4$y). Head-band made of Cloth.
<A) ee
Fig. 178 (qh). Skin Cap. i 272 cet ae eee
ribbons are tied to the back feathers. The front of the band is daubed with
red ochre.
Hunters and warriors wore more elaborate |yead-dresses, Fig. 180 repre-
sents a hunter’s head-band. It is made of c skin daubed with red ochre.
In front is a cross-piece of horsehair, bucks... fringe, and eagle-down. The
buckskin fringe is daubed with red ; and the body of the horsehair is dyed yellow
in a decoction of lichens, while the tips are dyed red. The feathers on top of
the band represent deer’s ears. On the right-hand side are attached hawk-
we tetsiscrcige-y
AgQvact et
214 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
feathers and eagle-down; on the left side, an eagle-feather with tip dyed
red, and eagle-down. Warriors used buckskin bands painted in various de-
signs with ochre. Tail-feathers and down of the bald-headed eagle were at-
tached to these (Fig. 181). Sometimes wing-feathers were used. The hunter’s
and warrior’s head-band often had a long streamer attached, which was also worn
tied into the hair (Fig. 182). The specimen here figured is made of buckskin
daubed with red, and cut in the form of a snake. Pairs of feathers of the bald
eagle are attached to it, with tips dyed black in imitation of feathers of the
golden eagle. The base of each feather is surrounded by yellow horsehair, and
Fig. 180 (447). Hunter’s Head-band, Fig. 181 (¢4%3). Warrior's Head-band.
wound with red wool, At the upper end are two chicken-hawk feathers and
eagle-down.
Shamans wear high head-bands, the upper rim of which is stiffened by means
ofahoop. In Fig. 183 a band of this kind is represented. In front are two eagle-
feathers with tips painted black. To the base of each is attached a feather of
the red-winged flicker, and horsehair dyed yellow, and the whole is wrapped in
red wool. Behind are two tassels of yellow horsehair and eagle-down, wrapped
in red wool. Designs in red are painted on the sides,— on one side a star and a
man with a head-band; on the other, a star and a wolf (see Fig. 304). The wolf
is the favorite guardian of the shaman. Sometimes four ermine-skins are attached
to head-bands of this description, They are also made of beaver-skin
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 215
The dress of the women differed little from that of the men. Buckskin
shirts were worn in the same way, but were generally of greater length, and or-
namented with more fringe, especially around the breast and back of the shoulders ;
and the seams, front, and edges often had strings of dentalium shells sewed into
them. The body of the shirt shown in Fig. 184 is made of two doeskins. Sleeves
Fig. 183 (y49s). Shaman’s Head-band.
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Fig. 184 (48g). Woman’s Buckskin Shirt.
Fig. 182 (,4$g). Warrior's Hair-
ribbon,
and fringe are made of a third doeskin. The neck is tied over each shoulder
with a skin lacing. Near the lower edge of the shirt is a painted zigzag pattern,
which represents aseam. The pinked edge below represents arrow-heads. The
holes, according to some Indians, represent stars.
Many shirts had a fringe of skin attached across breast and back. Den-
talium shells, beads, and trinkets of various kinds, were attached to these. Some
shirts had two or three rows of fringe; and many were highly decorated around
Ti “AA TF
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wuvscsuIcviy
agrace:st
216 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
the seams, borders, shoulders, and breast with dentalium shells, dyed porcupine-
quills, goose-feathers, horsehair, and, more recently, with colored glass beads and
with thread. The cut of the woman’s shirt showed a great deal of variation.
Some were very wide, and others narrowed considerably below the waist. They
were often held in by a belt.
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Fig. 187 (0). Short
Legging. Fig. 188 (493). Woman's Head-band.
A long piece of buckskin, the lower part cut into a fringe, encircled the
body, forming a kind of bodice (Fig. 185). Many of these reached up to
the breasts. Sagebrush-bark of the same shape, the loose ends reaching to the
knee, was sometimes substituted (Fig. 186). The Lower Thompsons used
cedar-bark instead. Sometimes the Upper Thompsons wore aprons made of
horsehair, either white or white and black.
The women wore long leggings and moccasins, the same as the men, but
many wore short leggings (Fig. 187). These were sometimes ornamented along
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRISISH COLUMBIA. 217
the sides, They wore either broad head-bands or caps, Fig. 188 shows a head-
band of deerskin, pinked along the upper edge, and painted with red designs.
It is set with rosettes of deerskin, which are painted red in the centre,
forms of women’s caps made of deerskin are shown in Figs. 189-191.
Some
Fig. 189 (1)$4). Woman's Cap, Fig. 190 (427). Woman's Cap,
Fig. 191 (449). Woman's Cap.
Fig. 192 (1495). Maiden’s Breech-cloth.
Many of the poorer people had to be content with only the breech-cloth,
moccasins, and a deer or dog skin blanket to cover the body.
Maidens wore a breech-cloth like the men, but of a tighter fit and of thicker
buckskin (Fig. 192). The specimen here figured is of buckskin, and sewed with
bark thread. Th lower end of the sides and the waist can be let out or drawn
up. Some girls wore a small narrow breech-cloth underneath, made of softened
sagebrush-bark, so as to prevent any chafing. It was renewed from time to
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218 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
time. They always laced their robes tight in front with buckskin strings, so
that the breasts were not visible) They wore their hair plaited in four
braids, They wore hair ornaments
and necklaces (see p. 223), and
generally wore a buckskin cap or
head-band, which was either embroi-
dered or ornamented with perpen-
dicular rows of dentalia. Some of
the head-bands were high in front,
narrowed towards the back, and
were ornamented with alternate
strings of beads and dentalia run-
ning up and down, both ends of
which were fastened to the head-
band. Fig. 193 shows a young
woman’s head-band made of buck-
Fig. 193 (git). Malden's Head-band, skin, painted red with designs rep-
resenting lodges in the lower part,
and stars in the upper part. It is set with a string of dentalia, glass and bone
beads,
The poorer class of the Upper Thompsons wore in the winter-time robes of
deer, dog, marmot, and buffalo skin, with the hair on. In deerskin robes parallel
stripes running the full length of the robe (perpendicular in some, horizontal in
others) were made by cutting, scraping, or burning the hair (Plate XVIII,
Fig. 1).
One kind of deerskin robe consisted of three large dressed buckskins with
the hair on, and sewed together side by side, with the heads all in the same
direction. The hair was scraped off the heads, which were then daubed with red
ochre. The hair was also scraped off the tail-ends of the skins for the distance
of a foot or more, and this part of the skin thoroughly softened. Stripes were
then scraped clean of hair lengthwise in the intervening or hairy part of the robe,
which, when all was completed, left alternate stripes of hair and bare skin, each
about a couple of inches in width, giving it a very picturesque appearance. It
was worn inverted, with the heads down and tails up, the softened part of the
robe being intended for the neck and shoulders. Robes of all kinds, which were
tanned with the hair on, were generally worn with the hair side out.
They also wore cloaks and robes of sagebrush and willow bark, and in Nicola
Valley of bulrushes, woven in the manner described on p. 190. The richer class
wore robes and cloaks of beaver, coyote, lynx, wolf, and bear skins, etc., with
the hair on, and worn with the fur sideout. Robes of woven marmot, hare, and
the skins of other small animals, were worn by all classes. The style of weaving
these has been described on p. 190.
-$
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 219
Marmot robes were generally made of ten or twelve skins sewed together,
with or without the tails left on, All the seams between the skins were trimmed a) |
with buckskin fringe, and the edge around the robe was often treated in the vay
same manner. Some of the buffalo robes were dressed soft and white, the hair ee
being scraped off altogether, and one side of the robe painted with pictures.
Others were painted on the flesh side, while the hair side was worn next
the body. Beaver robes were made of from four to eight skins sewed together.
They were often dressed quite white on the inside, and painted with animal or
geometrical designs in red. In such cases they were worn with the hair side in,
otherwise they were always worn with the hair side out. Many men wore light
robes of finely dressed buck or doe skin, without hair, painted on one side with
pictures (see Fig. 301). These robes were often made of only one skin or two ;
skins sewed together, and were worn hanging over the left shoulder, the right :
Ha}
inact
Fig. 194 (y}%s). Poncho made of Sagebrush-bark.
arm and shoulder being left naked. Larger ones were worn over both shoulders,
tied at the breast, and covered the whole body from head to foot.
Ponchos were made of different skins, chiefly coyote (Plate XVIII, Fig. 2),
fox, wolf, etc., and were decorated with a fringe of buckskin and feathers. They
were generally lined with buckskin. Some men wore the whole or part of the
skin of their guardian in this manner. If it were that of a bird or small
quadruped, it looked more like a necklace than a poncho, and in fact was often
called a necklace. The head of the animal was always in front, and the tail
behind; and if the skin were that of a large bird, a wing lay on each shoulder.
Ponchos and cloaks were occasionally made of Adectorta jubata L., the hairlike
lichen that hangs from trees. In rainy weather, ponchos and cloaks made of
sagebrush or willow bark, and sometimes others made of cedar-bark, which were
is
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we wees @ =: ese
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220 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
often painted red all over or in alternate stripes, were used (Fig. 194). The
poor people wore these exclusively. More recently ponchos of Hudson Bay
red or blue cloth have been worn, These are embroidered with beads, and
set with feathers along the edges. When worn as robes, the skin blankets
were fastened at the breast with a couple of buckskin strings, and were also
often gathered in around the waist by means of a buckskin string or belt.
Blankets, such as those of beaver or buffalo skin, when old and the hair was
mostly worn off, were cut up and made into moccasins,
CxLotuinc or THE Lower THompsons AND Upper Fraser Banp, — The
Lower Thompsons did not wear any buckskin shirts. They used robes only.
Most of these were woven of mountain-goat wool. They often had fringe
round the edges. Patterns were woven in black, yellow, and red. Robes
made of skins of deer, mountain-goat, and marmot, tanned with the hair on, were
also in common use. Woven rabbit-skin blankets were rarely used; neither
did they wear painted robes of dressed deerskin, Ponchos woven of mountain-
goat wool or cut out of skins were worn. Poor people used robes, ponchos, and
aprons made of cedar-bark, which was sometimes dyed red. Wealthier people
used the same kind of breech-cloths as those of the Upper Thompsons. Many
old men wore skin aprons instead, Caps made of elkskin or deerskin were worn,
but head-bands were much more common. Those of the women were of buck-
skin, and were generally ornamented with rows of dentalia sewed on perpendic-
ularly. The men’s head-bands were usually of marten and other animals’ skins,
or of entire bird-skins, such as those of the loon, the pelican, the hawk, etc., the
heads and beaks of which were worn on the brow. Feather head-dresses proper
were not much used.
In summer and in rainy weather the Lower Thompsons went barefoot. In
winter the same kinds of moccasins were used as are found among the upper divis-
ion of the tribe. Poor people made shoes of dog-salmon skin. Pieces of soft-
ened bear or goat skin with the fur left on were worn inside of the moccasins in
place of stockings.
The principal dress of the Upper Fraser band consisted of robes made of
dogskins sewed together, and of cloaks of plaited dry willow-bark. The better
class among them wore marmot, goat, and deer skin robes. Dressed skin was
rather rare among both these divisions of the tribe, and garments sucit as shirts
and coats were seldom worn.
Mopvern Ciotuine. — Intercourse with the Hudson Bay Company affected
the dress of the tribe, especially of the upper division. Skins, etc, were often
exchanged for Hudson Bay pantaloons and coats, colored handkerchiefs and
sashes, red blankets, red. or blue cloth, colored ribbons, beads, etc., so that in
1858 all these articles were in common use among the tribe. The red cloth was
made into leggings, tobacco-pouches, etc., which were usually highly ornamented
with colored beads and silk ribbons. Beads were very largely used for the
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 221
ornamentation of buckskin moccasins, shirts, and all kinds of clothing, besides
many other articles, Long cloth leggings with a wide stiff fringe on the outside
of each leg, and short beaded leggings reaching to the knee, were introduced.
Woollen blankets largely took the place of skin robes ; and large red sashes,
blankets, cloth, ribbons, and beads of many colors, gave unwonted gaudiness to
their costume. But these, in turn, have gone out of use, so that now the Indian
dress differs very little from that of the whites, except that some of the old people
have a different method of wearing it.
Blankets are still often used by the older people in the winter-time, but
always over their other clothes, By the men they are often made into shirts,
pantaloons, and leggings ; and buckskin shirts and pantaloons are worn occasion-
ally. Moccasins are the general footwear of both men and women, especially
among the Upper Thompsons, who live in a dry climate. They never go bare-
foot. Square pieces of blanket are generally worn inside of the moccasins,
Buckskin coats and vests are sometimes worn by the men of the Spences Bridge
and Nicola bands, and are often richly embroidered with silk thread. The skin
robes and long leggings of former days have gone almost out of use. Woollen
blankets, generally of gaudy colors, are used altogether for the bed. Buckskin
and blanket leggings reaching to the knee are sometimes used. When hunting,
or travelling any distance, the men always wear moccasins, and tie garters around
the legs below the knee, and around the ankles. This keeps the legs of the
trousers close and tight, and is said to assist considerably in walking, Fur caps,
generally of fox, lynx, or beaver skin, are sometimes worn in the winter-time ;
but many of the older men wear only handkerchiefs on their heads, both summer
and winter. Buckskin gloves are very commonly used in summer and winter by
both sexes, and buckskin mittens in the winter.
The young men of the Upper Thompsons, especially those of the Spences
Bridge and Nicola bands, affect the cowboy style of dress, Cowboy hats are the
common headwear, and the horses are saddled and bridled in cowboy fashion.
Most of the clothes of the men are bought ready-made from the neighbor-
ing trading-stores; and the colored dress-stuffs and calicoes of the women,
which they make, after the style of the whites, into skirts, jackets, gowns, and
dresses, are also bought there. Many of the women are very expert with their
needle and in cutting clothing.
Almost the only head-dress worn by the women is a silk handkerchief, gen-
erally of gaudy colors. Moccasins are almost as much worn by them as by the
men. In cold weather, or when there is much snow on the ground, some of the
old women roil pieces of buckskin or of blanket around the leg, and tie them.
DecoraTIon or CLotuinc. — In describing the styles of clothing I have inci-
dentally stated that buckskin fringe, designs painted in red, pinking, and perfora.
tions, were used for the purpose of decorating clothing. Fringe was placed
particularly on seams. It was often decorated with glass and shell beads
PAULO AU Caf fe | a “AA ati
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222 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
strung on some of the strips of skin. The arrangement of these beads will be
more fully described in Chapter XIV, Copper tubes were used for the same pur-
pose. These were about six inches long and half an inch in diameter. They
were often worn attached to the belt, generally four on each side. Strings of
glass beads, dentalia, disk-shaped horn, bone, or shell beads, were sewed on to
clothing. Formerly elk-teeth were used for the same purpose. Feathers were
also frequently used for purposes of decoration. These were often wrapped ina
brush-like bunch of short horsehair dyed yellow, and in eagle-down, and tied with
red wool, Ribbons were often attached to the tips of the feathers, Porcupine
and other quills were sewed on to bands of skin, and these stitched on to cloth-
ing for purposes of decoration. Sometimes the quills were stitched directly on to
the clothing. Later on, beads and silk were substituted for these. With the
introduction of silk the old designs seem to have disappeared, and imitations of
designs of the whites have taken their place.
PERSONAL ADORNMENT.—Both men and women wore ear-ornaments, which
consisted of strings of bark or skin passed through holes
in the ear, from which hung dentalium shells, Later on,
colored beads, and brass, copper, and silver buttons, were
used with the shells. Fig. 195 shows an ear-ornament from
Nicola Valley. It consists of dentalia, glass, and bone
beads, At the lower end are small tassels of red wool.
Formerly scalps of the red-headed woodpecker
were used as tassels. Fig. 196 shows a longer
form of a woman’s ear-ornament. More re-
cently the Indians have cut ear-ornaments of
varying shapes and sizes from sheet-copper or
from copper kettles bought from the Hudson
Bay Company. Often as many as four pen-
dants were worn in each ear. The holes for
these were made along the helix of each ear.
The Lower Thompsons sometimes used ear-
ornaments of abelone shell. Nose-ornaments
were used by women only. These generally
consisted of one or more dentalium shells
Earemament (Fig. 197) or apiece of bone (Fig. 198) passed
through the septum of the nose a sufficient
distance to allow the ends to project beyond the nostrils
on either side. Copper and slate were also used. Some
were crescent-shaped, but the great majority of them were
straight. Scalps of red-headed woodpeckers were inserted
in one or both ends, The conical hole in the end of the
‘ . ° Fig. 196 (gz). Woman's Ear-orna-
one shown in Fig. 198 was used for this purpose. Nose- ment. ‘
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 223
rings were not used by the tribe, although they are said to have been worn by
both men and women of the southern Lillooet. Labrets, or lip-ornaments, were
also unknown,
Necklaces were composed chiefly of shells, claws, seeds of cactus and E/e-
agnus argentea Pursh., or small, flat, circular horn or bone beads strung on a
buckskin or bark thong. Sometimes several of these necklaces were worn to-
gether, covering the chest from the neck aimost to the waist, and by men and
women alike. Girls and young women used the cactus-flowers, which they
threaded on bark. Necklaces for men were also made of animal skin twisted.
These often had pendant eagle-feathers attached a few inches apart, on both
front and back, Others had only four feathers, two of which hung over the left
breast, and two over the right breast. Later, necklaces were composed almost
entirely of large and small colored beads obtained from the Hudson Bay Com-
pany or from the Okanagon, Others were made of shell beads and dentalia (Fig.
199). Sometimes pieces of sheet-copper about three inches square were attached
— c= + Cn el a
Fig. 198 (g89s). Nose-ornament,
Fig. 199 (1499). Necklace made of Beads and Dentalia.
Fig. 200 (yh¥o). Beaded Necklace,
to necklaces. Still other necklaces fit close to the throat, and consist of buckskin
ornamented with bead-work (Fig. 200). The specimen here shown is scented
with castoria. Some of these tight-fitting necklaces are made of strings of but-
tons and beads. A necklace in common use was made of the claws of the grisly
bear. These were worn by such shamans only as laid claim to the grisly bear as
their guardian spirit, or by hunters who had killed this animal, and who thus made
known their bravery.
In later days, bracelets and anklets were worn, —the former by men and
women, the latter by women only. They were of brass or copper, round and
thin. The ends met around the wrists and ankles. Women wore from two to
four on each arm and one or two anklets on each foot. The men wore only one
bracelet on each arm. These rings were obtained from the Hudson Bay Company
or from other Indian tribes. Finger-rings came into use with the advent of the
Hudson Bay Company. The ordinary finger and ear rings, so common among
the whites, are very little used by either the men or the women,
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224 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Special attention was paid to the hair-dress. The hair was allowed to grow.
and was cut only as a sign of mourning, The Upper Thompsons greased their
hair with the best fat from the deer’s back, while the Lower Thompsons used
salmon-oil. Balsam-fir, the leaves of a broad-leaved plant from Okanagon, and a
sweet-grass from Thompson River, were boiled separately, mixed with deer’s
grease, and used for perfuming the hair. Hunters, before their departure,
anointed their hair with a decoction of deer’s brain and a certain plant. All,
except the very old, took a daily morning bath in some pond or stream before
dressing their hair and painting themselves. The women combed the hair of
their husbands. Combs were made of wood split into thin strips and glued
together, as showa in Figs. 201, 202, and 203, which represent the most common
forms in use (see also Fig, 285).
Figs. 201 (, $82), 202 (:48s), 203 (rdfa). Combs. 3, 4, and 4 nat. size respectively.
Many styles of dressing the hair were common among the Upper Thompson
men. The hair which falls naturally around and in front of the ears was done
up in two braids, one on each side of the head. These were brought across each
other over the brow, and tied together in three places. The loose ends of the
braids protruded beyond each temple. The back hair was allowed to hang loose,
or was tied at the back of the neck with a string (Fig. 204).
Another style was as follows: The front hair was plaited in two braids, one
on each side of the head. The back hair was also put up ina braid. The side
braids were brought around to the back of tke neck, where they were crossed and
tied. The back braid was turned up over the intersection of the other two, which
were also turned up, and all chree tied together, ends up. Often a comb was put
into the knot.
In another style the front hair was done up in two braids, which hung down
alongside the ears, one on each side of the head, Occasionally only one side of
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 225
the front hair was put up ina braid, while the hair on the opposite side hung loose,
or was tied with a string. In this style the back hair was tied with a string, or
hung Joose or in two braids. ‘
Still others cut the front hair a little above the eyebrows, or only that part
between the eyes above the nose, straight across from temple to temple. The rest
of the hair was drawn back and tied behind the neck, or was allowed to hang
loose. Some parted the hair down the centre of the head, and gathered it back
and tied it behind the neck. Sometimes the hair hung loose all round, Others
Fig. 204. Hair-dress of Man. : Fig. 205. Hair-dress of Woman.
tied the front hair up in a knot on the top of the head or immediately above the
brow. The back hair was also tied in a knot, or was left loose, or was tied with
a string.
Among women the almost universal method of doing up the hair was to
divide it equally into two braids, one on each side of the head. The braids hung
down behind, and their ends were usually tied together at the back. A few wore
their hair loose or tied behind with a string. Young women wore their two
braids folded up on each side (Fig. 205). Others braided the hair on each side
in two braids, those of each side being tied together at their ends.
Warriors tied the front hair on one side in a knot, while the opposite side
was left loose or braided into a queue (Fig. 206). This style was employed
on the war-path, as well as under ordinary circumstances. The top-knot of
warriors was frequently decorated with from one to four large tail-feathers of
the eagle or hawk, or with a bunch of small feathers, and daubed with red ochre.
Warriors used also the following styles of hair-dress, which were often
decorated with feathers of the hawk and eagle. The hair on the top of the head
-gasunictert (A AE TT
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226 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
was gathered together and braided upward for a few inches, the ends hanging
down like a mop. The braid was generally daubed with white clay to make it
stiff (Fig. 207). In some cases the hair on top of the head was made into two
short braids, one on each side, which were crossed at right angles and tied. These
were also stiffened with clay, and looked like the cross-feathers in front of a
shaman’s head-band (see Fig. 183). In another style the front hair was made
into two short braids, one on each side above the brow. These were stiffened
with clay, and looked like two horns ; or the front hair was made into one braid
of medium length just above the brow, stiffened with clay, and made to lean
forward, upward, or to either side, like a large horn ; or part of the front hair was
made into a short braid just above the brow, and was painted a fiery red. It
protruded in front, or hung down over the brow nearly to the nose.
Fig. 206.
Figs. 206, 207. Styles of Hair-dress of Warriors.
Children of both sexes, up to the age of puberty, usually wore their hair
loose. Girls, when performing the puberty rites, had their whole hair done up
in two knots, one behind each ear (Fig. 208). Boys, during these rites, had their
whole hair done up in a knot at the back of the head (Fig. 209).
Widows and widowers, or other mourners, had their hair cut straight across
the shoulders or the back of the neck.
The loose hair and the ends of braids of both men and women were generally
tied with a narrow strip of animal’s skin (often that of the person's guardian) from
three to four feet long. Animals’ tails, especially those of the otter and panther
Ak TT
eT }
Tt”
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 227
were also used ; and some shamans used rattlesnake, bow-snake, and garter-snake
af skins,
Hair-ribbons were very generally used by both sexes. One form of these has
been incidentally mentioned in the description of head-dresses (Fig. 182), Others
consisted of pieces of buckskin with numerous strings. They were fastened
ant nia@ry
ABIGoIs VY
diy
Fig. 208. Figs, 208. 200. Styles of Hair-dress, Fig. 209.
to the head, the strings being allowed to hang down in close proximity to the
ears or at the back of the head. They were embroidered with porcupine-quills.
Fastened to them were dentalium shells, pieces of bone, claws, feathers, ete. ; and
recently, either in addition to or instead of these, colored glass beads, metal
buttons, and colored ribbons have been used, while red or blue cloth has often
taken the place of the buckskin. In many cases, however, these ornaments were
strings of shells or beads fastened to the hair with bark
twine, and were often passed through or fastened to the
plaits of the hair, so that each braid was ornamented
from top to bottom with shells, beads, etc.
A hair-ornament worn by men only was a strip of
buckskin about two inches wide, and from two to four
feet long, to which were loosely fastened pairs of feath-
%, ers of the eagle or hawk every few inches from top to
bottom. This string of pendant feathers was fastened
to the hair at the crown of the head, or attached to the
back of the war head-band. Another ornament was made
of narrow strips of otter-skin plaited in a braid from two
to four feet long. Into this braid were fastened, one
below the other from top to bottom, eagle or hawk :
feathers, which stuck out at right angles to the braid, .nisie tHe (li) Tweens
This ornament was particularly worn by warriors.
The beard was pulled out with tweezer, mace of two pieces of horn tied
together at one end, or of a single piece of horn or wood (Mig. 210). A similar
errcrte
=
=
228 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
instrument of copper or other metal, bent to meet at the ends, is still used. Some
of the women used to pull out part of their eyebrows to make them narrower, as
narrow eyebrows were considered a mark of beauty. The parting of the hair was
frequently painted red.
Red ochre or other red earths, the best of which were obtained from the
Okanagon, were used for painting faceand body. Powdered micaceous hematite
or specular iron obtained in the Spences Bridge region, charcoal, yellow ochre,
and white clay or powder, were also used. The paints were rubbed on either dry
or after the face had been greased. Some modes of painting were peculiar to the
warrior and the shaman, or were used in ceremonials. Others were for personal
adornment, and were used more by the women than by the men. The painting
was done with the finger or with sticks of different sizes. Young women had
a red dot painted on each cheek, or they extended these dots over temples and
eyebrows (Fig. 205). Elderly women painted the whole face red up to the eyes.
Men painted their faces according to their dreams. Large spots of red were put
on each cheek, also a streak along each eyebrow. Sometimes the face was
covered with wet red paint ; and stripes, across or up and down, were scratched
into it with the lower jaw or teeth of the deer. Sometimes the right or left side
of the face was painted red. One of these dream designs is shown in Fig. 207.
Painting is now seldom used except by shamans or women. (See also l‘ig. 291.)
Tattooing was confined mostly to the women, and was rarely used by the
Upper Thompsons. The women of the Lower Thompsons had often a few
<<
oA EER [axa [=|
oe Fig. arr. Designs of Tattooing.
straight lines radiating from the mouth sideways and downward over the chin,
or one or two straight lines on each side of the face, from the bridge of the nose
toward the lobes of the ears. They often had tattooings on the back of the
wrist. A few of these designs are shown in Fig, 211. Evidently the custom of
tattooing the wrists was borrowed from the Coast tribes.'| Tattooing was done
by puncturing the skin with a fine needle or cactus-spike, and passing a fine
thread coated with powdered charcoal under tie skin.
A substitute for soap was warm water mixed with birch-leaves, and allowed
to stand for some time, ashes of poplar-wood, urine, or a particular kind of white,
soapy clay obtained from the shores of certain lakes. The skin, when rough,
was greased with fat from the deer’s back, and by the Lower Thompsons with
salmon-oil, Ashes of young shoots of Pseudotsuga Douglast? Carr or of Picea
were mixed with deer-fat and used as an ointment.
! See Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, p. 590.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 229
-gannistry "ft CAR TT
It is of interest to note, in connection with a description of the efforts of the
Indians to adorn their bodies, their ideas of what constitutes personal beauty. I
give here their opinions regarding various features.
: Pretty, | Fairly Pretty. Ugly.
Skin .....+eeeeeeee+./Light, smooth, even color. |Red. \Dark.
Stature... .ceeeeeeeee "Tall. Medium. _—
Body ....eee seer cere ‘Not too fleshy, straight, bare.|Very thin, bony,| Fat, hairy.
| large joints.
AIMS... ccc cece recone |Long. _ iVery short.
Hands of men......- 'Medium size. \Small. Short fingers.
Hands of women..... ‘Small. 'Medium size. _| Large.
Legs... cee eeee eee res |Medium length, | _ Very long, very short.
Feet of men......... |Medium size. ‘Small. |'Toes turned out.
Feet of women....... |Small Medium size. Large.
Breasts of women .... |Full. _ Small.
Halt vec eceeenee oe |Light, long, abundant. — _
Face wc csc cscs eeeees Bare, sharp hair-line. ‘Small mustache. Hairy, particularly forehead.
Cheeks .....-eee eee ‘Red. _ 'Fat,
Byes ....e cece ee eee \Medium size, round. | = Very large, very small.
Eyebrows ...........|Narrow. = Very heavy.
Ears wc. seers ee ees Medium size. Small. Standing off, large.
Nose | |Medium length. \Aquiline. Very long, very short.
: eT oe \Straight. | _ Concave, flat.
‘ Mouth.......0 seco |Medium size. | _ Very small, very large.
ViPS. sivec so ce vinseetieiore |Medium full. (Thin. | —_
Olt Nene ec eet | — | — |Receding.
The Lillooet are ridiculed on account of their low stature and tendency to
obesity, while the Coast tribes of the delta of Fraser River are stigmatized as
“ broadheads,” or “ flatheads,” from their custom of deforming their heads ; ‘‘ con-
cave noses”; and “barefeet,” because they wear no moccasins.
se oe
Peat eatiadly
=%
—
V.— SUBSISTENCE,
VARIETIES AND PREPARATION OF Foop, — Formerly deer, salmon, roots, and
berries were the staple food of the tribe. Deer was more important to the upper
division, while salmon was the principal food of the lower division. In those
days a large portion of the tribe lived in the mountains during the greater part of
the year, moving about from one root-digging or decr-hunting ground to another,
according to the harvest-time of certain roots and berries, or as the deer changed
their feeding-grounds during the seasons. They sometimes set fire to the woods
in order to secure a greater abundance of roots on the burnt hillside. The men
engaged in hunting and trapping, while the women attended to the gathering
and preparation of roots, berries, and other food. Only when winter set in did
they return to their winter houses.
According to current tradition, a long time ago (probably last century) deer
were very numerous along Thompson River, but were scarce again during the
lifetime of the grandfathers and fathers of the old men now living. At that
time the deer was supplanted by the elk, mountain-shcep, and mountain-goats,
the first two of which were very abundant. The elk, for unknown reasons, grad-
ually became fewer in numbers, the last uf them disappearing about fifty years
ago, Old, partly decayed elk-antlers are sometimes found scattered around in
some parts of the higher mountains and plateaus in the neighborhood of Thomp-
son and Nicola Rivers, proving that elk must at one time have been compara-
tively numerous. Mountain sheep and goats have also become more and more
scarce, until now they are found in only a few spots in the hunting-grounds of
the Spences Bridge band. On the other hand, during the last sixty years, as
these other animals have disappeared, deer have become much more numerous,
At the present day deer are not as numerous as they were ten or twenty years
ago.
The meat of deer, elk, mountain-sheep, mountain-goat, marmot or ground.
hog, bear, beaver, porcupine, hare or rabbit, squirrel, yrouse, ducks of certain
varieties, geese, cranes, and robins, was eaten, These animals were all shot or
snared in abundance. Moose, buffalo, antelope, and caribou do not occur in the
habitat of the Thompson Indians, but their dried meat was obtained by trade.
The Indians also ate lynx and coyote meat. ,
The Lower Thompsons hunted principally mountain-goat, black bear, and
marmot. They also ate rock-rabbit, which was not used as food by the upper
band.
Salmon, of which there are five varieties, and which run in the larger rivers
in the fall of the year, were the principal fish caught. In Fraser River they are
generally plentiful every year, but some years they are scarce in Thompson
River. The salmon caught and cured by the Indians along Fraser River are the
king salmon, These are scarce in Thompson River, where the sockeye run
[230]
every fourth year in large numbers. When these were scarce, the people caught
what they could of the humpback salmon. Trout and fish of many kinds were
fished for, especially during the spring and autumn. No insects or shell-fish
were eaten,
Roots and berries formed ar important part of the food-supply of the tribe.
The former were gathered in the early summer and in the fall of the year. Some 3
of the roots used grew in the dry valleys, while the majority were obtained in the Ate |
higher mountains only. ;
Roots are dug with a root-digger (Fig. 212), which is a piece of service-
berry or other hard wood from two to two and a half feet in length, bent
My : 6
|
rie |
‘ a)
co
cli
ws tS nN
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 231 c8 4
© mm
4
“2
-
a
Fig. 212, @ toy), 6 CyA$a). Root-diggers, 4 nat. size,
slightly at the point. It is sometimes burned a little at the point to increase its
toughness. The other end of the stick is inserted in a wooden or horn handle.
The stick is inserted loosely in the handle, so that it can be reversed when one
point gets dull. Iron rods, bent near the point and with a wooden handle, are
most commonly used at the present day. While digging roots, the women gen-
erally carry a small basket on the back, into which they toss them (Fig. 213).
When it is full, they empty it into a larger basket close by. The women also
secure roots and seeds in the fall by robbing the nests of squirrels and mice.
The roots of the following plants were used ‘as food by both divisions of the
tribe: Claytonia sp. (tatu'in), Ledium Columbianum Hanson, Ferula déssoluta,
Allium sp. (kolau'a), Erythronium grandiflorum Pursh., var. mznor, Fritillaria
lanceolata Pursh, The following roots could not be identified : Sxwi'pis, tsipt’as.
The upper division used, besides these, the roots of Peucedanum macrocarpum
. Nutt., Balsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt., Potentilla sp. (xi'lexil), Brodi@a grandiflora =i
5 he
232 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Smith, Lewesea rediviva Pursh., Hydrophyllum occidentale Gray, Cnicus undulatus
Gray. The following roots, used by this division of the tribe, could not be
determined: xala’ux6za, wé’tsamat, hatce’us, Xenaxain, sxaiim, up0’piqxin,
sxwisé’nak, kakwa’mtca, qa'lqil. This last is said to grow under the ordinary
root of Ferula dissoluta, and to be sweet, while the latter is bitter, The Lower
Fraser band use also roots of
Pterts aquilina L., var. lanu-
gtnosa (Bory) Hook., and of
the following undetermined
plants: smilmé’l, sxyaii’am,
sci'tco, tsi’kwa. These last-
named species were not much
in demand among the upper
division, who traded consid-
erable quantities of roots of
Lewista rediviva Pursh, to
the lower band. The roots
of Typha latifoka L. are
occasionally eaten.
Both the upper and lower
divisions used the fruit of
the following plants: service-
berry (A melanchier alnifolia
Nutt.), of which six different
varieties are distinguished
(called stctiqem’6’e, sihu’s,
taxtexo’xsa' or nqiéppu’p-
sa, spiqpd’q, and Lixihii’za) ;
whortleberrry (Vaccinium
Myrtillus L., var. microphyt-
Fig. 213, Woman digging Roots. /um Hook.); gooseberry
(Ribes sp.); Ribes lacustre
Poir ; soapberry (Shepherdia Ce «rdensts Nutt.) ; Oregon grape ; Vaccenzum mem-
branaceum Dougl.; choke-ches.y (Prunus demissa Walpers), of which two
varieties are distinguished; bird-cherry (spa’zsus'); salmon-berry (adus Mutkanus
Mog.); raspberry (Raudus sp.); Rubus leucodermis Dougl.; strawberry (Fra-
garia Californica Cham. and Schlecht); currant (Redes Hudsontanum Rich.') ;
Cornus pubescens Nutt.; Sorbus sambuctfolia (C. and S$.) Roem; Lonzcera in-
volucrata Banks (?); bearberry (Arctostaphylos Uva-urst Spreng.) ; elderberry
(Sambucus Canadensis 1.) ; Viburnum pauctflorum Pylaie; hawberry (Crategus
rividares Nutt.), of which two varieties are distinguished (a'luska and nkwi'tka) ;
Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt., of which three varieties are distinguished (stseka’pEL,
' Not much_used.
EIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 233
sqaqwa’u,' and kokima'uz'). Perhaps these last are different species of roses,
The following are undetermined : taxpa’, qazexi’n,' sxwi'sa,
The lower division of the tribe used, besides, the following undetermined
kinds of fruit: qe’qwet, ska’u, qwo'qwox, kumtcé’ns (cranberry ?), stse’yuk,
tiqtaka'las, kokoo’za, x‘wri'xwek, li'tse, simaxi’tsxin, ci’ni (sweet Oregon grape ?%),
koxwa’p (crabapple ?), and also the salal-berry (Gau/theria),
The stalks of Heracleum lanatum Michx., of a plant called La’qo, and also
the peeled stems of Ba/samorrhiza sagittata Nutt., were eaten raw. The last-
named were soaked in water for one night before being eaten, The lower
division also ate sprouts of
Epilobium angustifolium L.,
of various kinds of Audus,
and also of two undetermined
plants (a’kama and tsewé'ta).
Alectoria jubata 1. was much
eaten, particularly by the
lower division.
The cambium layer of the black pine (nus contorta Dougl.), yellow pine
(Pinus ponderosa Dougl.), spruce (/icea sp.), balsam-fir (4 dzes grandis Lindl.),
cottonwood (Populus tremuloides Michx.), and Douglas spruce (Pseudotsuga
Douglastt Carr), was much sought after in spring for the same purpose. That
of the yellow pine was often dried for winter use. The cambium of Adnus rubra
Bong. was also sometimes eaten. ‘To separate the bark from the tree, a short
piece of horn or wood was used, and the cambium was scraped off with an imple-
ment of bone or horn sharpened to an edge. Such implements were similar in
shape and size to those now used by the Athapascan tribes of the northern
interior (Fig. 214). At the present day, knives are used for scraping, The
heart or inside part of the cactus (Opanda sp.) was utilized by the Spences
Bridge band, and was cooked in the ordinary ground ovens, or steamed. Two
kinds of mushrooms were peeled and eaten raw, or were slightly roasted before
the fire. Nutlets from the cones of the Prunus albicaulis Eng, were a favorite
food among the upper divisions of the tribe. These nutlets, after being cooked
in ovens or roasted in ashes, were sometimes crushed, mixed with dried service-
berries, and put into sacks for winter use. The yellow-pine nutlets were some-
times gathered. The Lower Thompson band used hazel-nuts, which they sold
to the upper bands, The seeds of Badsamorrhiza sagittata Nutt. were also
eaten.
The Indians seldom drank pure water when eating, but they substituted for it
the water in which meat or fish had been boiled. The stalks and leaves of wild
celery and of a plant called * Hudson Bay tea” or ‘‘ Labrador tea,” fir-twigs, rose-
bush leaves and stalks, bearberry stalks and leaves, were dried, and used for
preparing drinks.
Fig. 214 (482). Sap-scraper. 4 nat, size,
' Not much used.
“73 88 TR
ANAT
ABTODI V HH
234
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
PRESERVATION OF StapLe Foops,— Meat was preserved in the following
manner: The fat of large game was cut off, and stored in deerskin sacks. The
flesh was then cut into thin slices, and, to further assist in the drying process,
each slice was pierced with numerous holes or slits some five or six inches in
length. These slices were then dried by the sun and wind on a framework of
poles placed a few inches apart and about five fect above the ground, Fre-
quently artificial heat was resorted to. Meat was also spread on poles above the
fire inside the lodge, or hung up near the roof and dried in the smoke. The In-
dians of Nicola Valley, in case of necessity, dried their meat in the sweat-house,
but the Spences Bridge band preferred roasting it on sticks before a hot fire.
The fat of deer, elk, or bear was often melted down in the following way :
Large pieces of fat were spread out by running several thin sticks through their
entire length. The centre stick was made to protrude a few inches at each end,
and was then placed across two forked sticks which were set firmly in the ground.
The drippings were caught in several trough-shaped dishes of bark, wood, or
stone, which were placed under the slices of fat (see Fig. 155). The most
common kind was large, oblong, and shallow. Close by, a small but hot fire
was kindled. When all the fat was melted, it was tied up in a deer’s paunch, and
stored away for future use. The larger bones were broken up, and the marrow
was melted and stored in deer or elk | .adders.
Salmon were dried in the following way: The fish was cut up along the
belly, and all entrails and blood removed. The backbone was separated from
the back, and the knife drawn deeply across the fleshy part of the fish several
times, leaving an inch or so between each cut. The Lower Thompsons use the
same form of fish-knife as is used by the Coast tribes. It consists of a curved
blade with a short handle, similar to our chopping-knives, Those of the Upper
Thompsons were similar in shape to those found in prehistoric sites (see Part
III, Fig. 34). The fish was then stretched, and kept open by thin sticks, the
ends of which were inserted into little holes cut near the outside edges of the
fish on each side. Finally the whole was hung over a long pole todry. The part
containing the backbone hung on one side, and the rest on the other. In this
manner about a hundred fish were generally suspended a few inches apart on one
pole, and hung there until quite dry and hard. They were then taken down,
piled in heaps, and carried to the winter cellars or fish-caches, where they were
stored, Birch-bark was then put under, around, and on top of the fish, or the
cache itself was lined with birch-bark to prevent any moisture which might soak
through from damaging the fish. Salmon caught late in the fall were also dried.
The backbone was not taken out. They were simply gutted, and cuts an inch
apart made deep in the flesh along the whole length of each side. The Lower
Thompsons stored the dry fish in elevated wooden caches, in which they remained
all winter. In spring they were removed and placed in cellars, where they were
allowed to lie until the following spring, when they were taken out, and aired by
being spread on flat rocks, They were then returned to the cellar, and kept
“et 84 68
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 235
Ver Riccig
ADVODIS V I 4s
perhaps for another year. Most families thus kept the surplus of each season's
catch of salmon for two or three years, for cases of emergency. Salmon-heads
were also dried and stored away. Salmon-roe was wrapped up in dry grass or
bark, and buried in the ground until it was nearly rotten, when it was taken out
and roasted or boiled. The Indians compare the taste of the roe prepared in
this way to that of cheese. It is not much eaten by the upper division of the
tribe.
For making salmon-oil, a hole three or four feet square and about two feet
deep was dug in the ground, This was lined at the bottom and sides with large
slabs of stone, and all holes and seams were plastered up with mud. In this re-
ceptacle a number of fat salmon were placed, with water enough to boil them.
Heated stones were thrown in, and after a while the boiling mess was broken up
and stirred with a stick. More water was added if required, and the whole kept
simmering until all the oil was extracted. It was then allowed to cool off, and
all the oil floating on the top of the water was skimmed off. The boiled salmon
was afterward taken out, squeezed in the hands, and put into baskets, to be eaten
at once or dried in cakes. Salmon-oil was put up in salmon-skins, which were :
scraped, blown into shape, and dried for the purpose. They were tied at each
end, and sealed with salmon-roe where tied. Some of the Upper Thompsons
put up in salmon-skins a mixture of salmon-oil and deer’s or elk’s grease. A
mixture of about one quarter salmon-oil and three quarters roasted or partly
roasted salmon-flesh which had previously been pounded up fine was also kept
in salmon-skins. The Nicola band prepared oil of catfish in the same manner.
It was principally obtained from the liver.
Roots are threaded on strings of bark or grass and hung up to dry. Ser-
vice-berries, soapberries, wild cherries, huckleberries, raspberries, brambleberries,
and rose-pips are dried by being spread thinly upon mats exposed to the hot rays
of the sun, Sometimes
they were baked in cakes
without drying, and were
then put into a cedar-root
or birch-bark basket, and
boiled by means of hot
stones. When somewhat
cooled off, the stones were
taken out, and the berries
were mashed with a stick
or kneaded with the hand,
and finally spread rather Fig. a1s (qifa¢). Drying-frame. J nat, size.
thickly on a layer of fresh
pine-needles, leaves, or dry grass, which was supported on a framework of poles,
where the sun and wind dried them. The juice left in the basket was poured ws @!
over the berries as they dried, and formed into cakes. A good deal of juice,
BUtastecsg y
«as
==
236 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
however, if not drunk, was thrown away. Small frames of split cedar-wood (Fig.
215) were frequently used by the Lytton band for drying service-berry cakes on,
Berries and meat were mashed with pestles (Fig, 120) on large flat stones,
which are frequently found in village-sites (Part III, Figs. 32, 33).
Disurs. — Food was boiled in baskets into which red-hot stones were thrown,
It was roasted on spits in front of the fire, under ashes, or in underground
ovens, Dried venison and dried berries were sometimes pounded together
and mixed with hot deer-grease. This mixture was cooled in cakes and put into
sacks, or wrapped up in bark or skin, A favorite dish was made of roots of a
floury nature (generally bitter-root) and service-berries boiled together until soft
and thick, A little deer-grease was then added, and the whole eaten with a
spoon, Sometimes A/ector7a was added and the deer-fat boiled with it. Salmon-
roe and bearberries were boiled in the water in which salmon or trout had been
cooked. Deer's blood was a delicacy, It was mixed with roots, berries, and
deer-fat, and boiled until thick. The Indians at the present day often prepare
flour by boiling it with dried service-berries and fat until it resembles porridge,
sugar being sometimes added. ‘They also burn flour in a pan until it is brown,
and then mix it with fat and sugar. The tails of large fish, such as salmon and
trout, were roasted before the fire until the bones and skin were quite crisp.
Salmon were sometimes soaked in water for a week, until half decayed, aud were
then cooked with berries and roots, Fried salmon or trout were soaked for a
while, and were then pounded up fine with a stone or wooden masher, and eaten
with grease,
Dry roots are cooked in the following manner: A circular hole is dug in
the ground to the depth of two feet and a half, and large enough in diameter to
contain the roots to be cooked. Into this hole are put four or five flat stones,—
one in the centre and the others around the sides. Above these is piled a large
heap of dry fir-wood, on which is placed a quantity of small stones. The wood
is then kindled, and allowed to burn until nothing but the embers remain, when
the small stones drop down to the bottom of the hole. The unburnt wood is
next taken out, leaving nothing but the ashes and stones. Enough damp earth
is then shovelled in to cover thinly the top of the stones, and this is overspread
to the depth of half a foot or more with the branches of bushes, such as the ser-
vice-berry, maple, alder, etc. Next follows a layer of broken fir-wood branches,
over which is spread a layer of dry yellow-pine needles, and still another layer of
fir-branches. By this time the hole is nearly filled up. The roots are then
placed on the top, and covered carefully with a thick layer of broken fir-branches,
a layer of dry pine-needles, and again a layer of fir-branches. The whole is
covered with earth, and a large fire of fir-wood is kindled on top. In this way
immense quantities of roots are cooked at one time. They remain in the oven
—according to the kind being cooked — for from twelve to twenty-four hours.
The root of the wild sunflower is difficult to cook, and it is therefore allowed
to lie in the oven for two days. A large root from a plant resembling a large
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 23
“I
lily was strung and dried after it was cooked. One kind of dish is made of the
roots of Lilium Columbianum Hanson, Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and
salmon-roe which had been buried, boiled together.
Cactus and Adcforia, as well as many roots, were steamed in the following
way: Before any branches were put into the hole, a stick from an inch and a half
to two inches in diameter was planted perpendicularly in the ground, reaching con-
siderably above the level of the hole. When everything was covered up, the
stick was pulled out, leaving an aperture into which water was poured, causing
steam to rise from the hot stones underneath. When sufficiently steamed, the
usual fire was kindled on top. Wild onions were flavored by putting them into
the oven close to leaves and flowers of the humming-bird plant ; sunflower-roots,
with flowers of Pentstemon Menztest? Hook. Other roots are flavored with
flowers and stems of /*ragarta Cal/fornica Cham. and Schlecht. The seeds of
Batlsamorrhisa sagittata Nutt. were mixed with deer-grease, and boiled by means
of hot stones, The gum of the tamarack was used for chewing,
Berries and roots are still gathered, preserved, and cooked as formerly, but
not in large quantities, and are only supplementary to other food,
Salted salmon put up in barrels has in a great measure taken the place of dried
salmon, Many Indians of the upper division dry them only when there is a large
run, Nowadays the principal diet of the Indians is venison and other fresh meat
of the chase, fresh fish and beef, flour, rice, sugar, tea, coffee, oatmeal, beans, ete.,
obtained from stores. Vegetables which they raise themselves, such as potatoes,
squashes, peas, beans, corn or maize, carrots, turnips, and onions, are consumed
in large quantities. These are boiled, fried, and roasted in ovens or in ashes.
Squashes do not ripen in the lower part of the country, but apples are cultivated
there. Muskmelons, watermelons, and tomatoes are cultivated and eaten by
some Indians of the upper division of the tribe. Some of those who live on their
reserves and do much farming keep cows, raise hogs and chickens, and are toler-
ably well supplied with milk, eggs, butter, and pork. Even many who live in the
villages keep hens, Many of the women make jam of wild berries, and of fruits
which they procure from the whites. Horseflesh is seldom eaten, owing to the
influence of the priests, and because it is not eaten by the neighboring whites,
Srasons, —I1 will mention at this place the divisions of the seasons and
months. Many moons are designated according to the occupations of the
people and the food that is being gathered. Asa rule, they count their moons
beginning at the rutting season of the deer, in November. Some Indians begin
their count with the end of the rutting season, at the end of November ; others,
particularly shamans, with the rutting season of the big-horn sheep. Many
people of the Lytton band begin when the ground-hogs go into their winter dens,
Many of the Lower Thompsons begin with the rutting season of the mountain-
goats. Some moons are called by number only, but those following the tenth
moon are not numbered. Following are the names of the moons used by the
Spences Bridge band, and their principal characteristics,
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238 TELT, THE THOMiSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
First Moon, or Voukteui + — The deer rut, and people hunt.
Second Moon, or N't'ixtin (“ going-in time,” so named because most people
went into their winter houses during this month), — ‘The weather begins to ge
cold, and the people go into their winter houses,
7ntrd Moon, — Bucks shed their antlers, and does become lean.
hourth Moor, or Pesqa'pts (“ spring | winds | time,” so named because Chi-
nook winds generally blow ia this month melting all the snow). — The weather
improves, and the spring plants begin to sprout. “The people come out of their
winter houses.
Lifth Moon, or Nxwvitin (“coming-forth time,” so named because. the
people came forth from their winter houses in this month, although many came
out in the fourth month), — The grass grows, and people come forth from their
winter houses,
Sevth Afoon. — The people catch trout with dip-nets, and begin to go to the
lakes to trap fish. The trees put forth leaves, and the waters increase.
Seventh Aloon. The people dig roots,
hiighth Moon, or Kwekwe'kwiiit (plural of the diminutive form of kwa‘it,
“ripe,” “they area little ripe”). — The deer drop their young, and service-berries
begin to ripen,
Ninth Moon, or Vexwauzsi’kentin (* middle time,” so named because of the
summer solstice), — “The sun returns, and all the berries ripen. Some of the
people hunt,
Tenth Moon, ov vaxa'ks (“first of run,” first or “nose” of ascending fish),
The sockeye or red salmon run,
The Next Moon, or Kwiswt (‘| poor} fish") kekaitka’in ( they reach the
source"), ~The cohoes or silver salmon come, and the salmon begin to get poor.
They reach the sources of the rivers,
The Rest of the Year, ov wwiiistin (“fall time”), — The people trap and
hunt, and the bucks begin to run,
Phe Lower Thompsons also called the months by numerals up to ten, or
sometimes eleven, the remainder of the year being called the autumn, ‘Their
names are as follows :
first Moon, — Vhe rutting time of deer,
Second Moon, ov N'ulx: ( ecing in”). People go into their winter houses.
Third Moon, or Wawi't ta sv'ulx’ (“the last going in”), The last of the
people go into their winter houses.
Keourth Moon, or Nxuxuct (“little coming out ") skapts (“spring or warm
wind” ), Alternate cold and warm winds. Some people camp out in lodges for
a time.
hifth Moon, or N'ulxwa'uas (“going in again”), — Last cold. People go
into winter houses again for a short time.
Stath Moon, or Nxuwit (“coming out”). —- Winter houses left. for vood,
Peopie catch fish in bag-nets,
oO
'TEET, THOS ‘THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRETISH COLUMBIA, 239
Seventh Moon, —- People go on short hunts.
Lighth Moon, — Veople pick berries,
Ninth Moon, ~ People commence to fish salmon,
Zenth Moon, ~ People fish and cure salmon.
Lleventh Moon, or Kokauxtmu's (“to boil food a little’), so named because
people prepared fish-oil.
Autumn, — People hunt large game, and go trapping.
The moons are grouped in five seasons: winter, beginning with the first
snow that stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from the
valleys, generally the second, third, and fourth months ; spring, beginning with
the disappearance of the snow, and embracing the period of frequent Chinook
winds, the fifte and sixth months; summer, the seventh, eighth, and ninth
months; early autumn (Indian summer), embracing the tenth and cleventh
months ; and late fall, which takes up the rest of the year, “This indefinite period
of unnamed months enabled the Indians to bring the lunar and solar years into
harmony.
The Indians could tell the solstices to within a day by the position of the
sun in relation to certain trees or other marks on mountains, “Phere were trees
in certain places, with stones to sit on near them, to which they frequently re-
paired to observe the sun when they believed it to be near the solstice.
Huntinc.—Hunting, trapping, and snaring of game was one of the most
Important occupations of the Thompson Indians, The Lower ‘Thompsons,
although they had an abundance of fish, spent much time in hunting, “They even
hunted on the mountains on the western slope of the Coast Range. Hlunt-
ing-parties who visited the most southern part of their hunting-grounds were
sometimes absent for seven months, returning only when the snow began to melt
in the mountains.
Bows and arrows were the principal weapons used in the pursuit of game,
The best bows of the tribe were sinew-backed. Most of them were made of
juniper-wood, The Lower ‘Thompsons used hemlock, yew-wood, and dogwood,
When a bow is being made, a layer of decr-sinew is glued to its concave side,
When the glue has set, two men bend the bow over so that what was originally
the concave side becomes the back of the bow. ‘The bow shown in Tig, 210 is
made in this manner, When the bowstring is released, this bow is: perfectly
flat. When mounted, it ae umes the form shown in the illustration, “The centre,
which for convenience in grasping is made a little narrower Cian the rest, ts
veapped with bird-cherry bark. “The string is made of the back-sinew of decr,
iy. 217 shows a bow similar in form to the preceding one, “The clasticity
of this bow is increased by a wrapping of bird-cherry bark, which, however, ts not
as effective as sinew backing, The string is central, Loon-down is wrapped
on the ends of the string to keep it from twanging,
The bow shown in Fig. 218 is made of birch, | [tis backed with sinew and cos
ered with snakeskin, ‘The great thickness of the bow in the middle produces the
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240 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
'
Fig. 216 (y4¥o). Sinew-backed Bow. 4 nat. size,
a, Side view; 4, Front view ; c, Cross-section.
H { Reel y \ | | | VV VV VY TT ] JAWRRRERITRURERRRRAAT TINT oniy
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| a, Side view, and 4, Front view, § nat. size; c,d, Ends, 4 nat. size,
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Fig. 220 (,4$7). Bow. § nat. size,
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TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 241
double curvature of the mounted bow. The middle is wound with bird-cherry
bark, and ornamented with horsehair dyed yellow. It has an eccentric string
made of twine of Afocynum cannabinum L., which is used only when sinew is not
available. The method of attachment of the bowstring is shown in the figure.
In Fig. 219 is represented a bow similar in shape to the preceding, but it is
wound with bird-cherry bark instead of having a sinew backing. The ends are
covered with flattened goose-quills. This type of bow was in common use among
the Okanagon, the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley, the Nicola band, and
among some men of the Spences Bridge band, while the other bands did not use
it. This bow was held perpendicularly, while all the others were held horizon-
tally.. The arrow-release from this type of bow was secondary ; from the others,
primary. Simple bows (Fig. 220) were used
for shooting birds and small game. Bows were
often painted or adorned on their flat inner
sides with incised lines filled with red paint.
Some of these bows were ornamented with
woven quills dyed in different colors, or with
pieces of buckskin embroidered with quills, at
the middle and halfway between the middle i
and the tips. Scalps of the red-headed wood-
pecker were frequently attached to the ends,
A hand-guard (Fig. 221) for the protection
of the back of the thumb was used on the bow hand, particularly with the bows
of the Okanagon type.
Arrows were made of rosewood or of the wood of the service-berry, and were
a little over two feet long. The wood was soaked in warm water, and then
straightened with the teeth. The arrow shown in Fig. 222, ¢, still exhibits the
marks of the teeth. Others were polished with the arrowshaft-smoother (see
Part III, Fig. 57, p. 146). The feathering consists of three split feathers applied
spirally (Fig. 222, 4, e, v), or two whole feathers laid on flat (Fig. 222, a, 7).
cade
Fig. ar (,48,). Hand-guard.
* The feathers were fastened to the shaft with deer-sinew and pitch, Arrow-heads
were made of glassy basalt, which was obtained at a certain place north of
Thompson River. The Lower Thompsons found stone for their arrow-heads
near the head waters of Skagit River. Many were made out of large chipped
heads, which are found in great numbers in the valleys. The Indians believe
that the latter were made by the Raven. The form, and the metiod of tying
with sinew, are shown in Fig. 222, a, 6. The heads of war-arrows were inserted
in a line parallel to the nock, while those of hunting-arrows were inserted at right
angles to the nock. It will be noticed that when the bow is held horizontally, the
head of the war.arrow is horizontal, while that of the hunting-arrow is vertical.
The Indians maintain that thus the head more easily penetrates betweea the ribs.
More recently iron points have replaced the stone points. The points of war-
arrows wer? generally barbed; those of hunting-arrows, leaf-shaped. Some
3 #% 4 ft
AG¥OSHS VM
Bea rrce
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
42
na
Arrows, 4 nat, size,
16
1501)
\,S (1480), ¥
by, da (ha), e (Ab
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 243
war-arrows had a detachable foreshaft (Fig. 222, 4).
were often made of antler or of bone.
Fig. 223 (1h$n)+
The foreshafts of these
They were barbed, and poisoned with the
juice of flowers of Ranun-
culus sp., or with rattle-
snake poison. For small
game, arrows without
points’ (Fig, 222, ¢) were
used. Some of these were
barbed (Fig, 222, 7). Still
others had a detachable
head, which was tied with
a string to the middle of
ithe shaft (Fig. 222, ¢).
’ When the head was dis-
engaged, the movements
of the animal were im-
peded by the dragging
shaft. “These were used
particularly when hunting
in underbrush. The wing-
ed end of the arrow was
often painted red. Spiral lines or rings were painted on the arrow-shaft. Often
the figures of animals were branded on the shafts of hunting-arrows, those of men
on the shafts of war-arrows. The latter were often painted black. Hawk, grouse,
and the red-winged flicker were used for winging arrows. Hawk-feathers were
preferred for war-arrows.
Quivers were made of
tanned deer, elk, or buffalo
hide (Fig. 223) with a wide
fringe, and were often paint-
ed on the outside. They
were often made of clipped
buffalo-fur with hair turned
in, the outer side being
scraped white and painted.
They were also frequently
made of wolverine, dog,
coyote, and other skins, with
the hair left on, the tails
forming an ornament at the
lowerend. Sagebrush quiv-
ers were also in use (Mig.
4 v1 %
SF fy
aA
vf
h Quiver
224). Small game, such as grouse, squirrels, and other small animals, were tied
PRP Teer es
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244 TET, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
to buckskin strings fastened to the quiver, Some quivers had small pouches
attached for holding fire-drill and tinder. Some had covers (Fig. 225) for the
protection of the arrows.
The first guns used
by the Thompson Indians
were flintlock muskets,
which were soon adopted
in warfare and in hunting.
Some of the old men still
use them, but repeating-
rifles of the latest Win-
chester and Colt models
are now generally used. ///-
They used wooden pow-
der-horns decorated with
feathers, and suspended
Fig. 225 (4485). Quiver with Cover.
from the right shoulder
by a buckskin strap (Fig. 226). The powder-horn was worn under the left arm,
while the ammunition-pouch hung on the right-hand side,
Deer were generally hunted with
bow and arrows. The hunting-dog
was of great assistance in the pursuit of
the deer, The dogs of the Thompson
Indians resembled in appearance the
coyote. Through interbreeding with
the dogs introduced by the whites, they
have become totally extinct. The nu-
merous dogs found among the tribe
nowadays are mongrel hounds and curs
of every description.
The native dogs were rather poor
“es watch-dogs, but good hunters, The
best ones for deer-hunting were valued
highly, and were taken great care of.
For several days before starting to hunt
with them, they were tied up, and fed
sparingly on good food. Some Indians
went so far as to purge them with medi-
cine, and sweat-bathe them.
The hunter started out before day-
break with his dog or dogs inhand, The
animals were held by a_ halter (Fig.
Fig. 046 (yi). Powderchorn 227) with a toggle, which prevented the
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 245
noose from closing tightly. Some hunters carried a small quantity of sweet
service-berries, which they ate when feeling exhausted. Having reached a place
which the deer frequented, the hunter singled out the tracks of some large buck,
let the dogs loose, and then followed himself as fast as he could run. The dogs
generally ran the deer to water, very often driving him to the larger rivers; and
the deer, if possible, made for some favorite crossing-place. At these places,
especially in the fall of the year, Indians were always on the watch, As soon as
the deer took to the water to swim across, two or three pursued him in a canoe.
When overtaken, he was caught by the antlers by means of a long stick with a
crook at the end. His head was pulled under water, and kept there until he was
drowned. The deer was then pulled ashore, skinned, and cut up. Often the
dog brought the deer to bay in some creek, keeping him there until the Indian
came up and despatched him, A dog that could do this was most valuable.
Fig, 227, a (4h87), 6 (Sa). Dog-halters, 4 nat. size
In the fall of the year, during the rutting season, and also at a later date
when the deer came down from the higher mountains to their winter grounds in
the lower hills, the people of the Spences Bridge band lay in wait for game dur-
ing the night at the regular swimming-places, and shot them with bow and arrows
as they landed.
It is said that formerly during these seasons large numbers of deer were in
the habit of swimming from the south to the north side of Thompson River,
where there were favorite rutting-grounds, In the winter-time, owing to exposure
to the sun’s rays, there was also generally less snow on these hillsides than on
the south side of the river. During the last ten years or so the deer have almost
entirely stopped swimming the river, as was their wont: hence this method of
hunting has become obsolete. This change of habit is probably due to the
scarcity of deer in the south, and to the erection of a line of fence, which extends
along the railway the entire length of Thompson River on the south, ‘This
fence has been built within the last twelve years, and the Indians say that during
that time there has been a perceptible decrease in the number of deer frequenting
the north side of the river in the winter-time. Hunting with dogs has also gone
ae
AGVOOIS V MH
Byeseeeser rs
*
“”
246 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
completely out of use, because the old breed of dogs has become extinct, and but
few of those which they now possess are of any use for deer-hunting. The law
is also against the practice.
Another method of hunting, in vogue among the Spences Bridge and Nicola
bands, was that of shooting deer by moonlight at their favorite salt-licks, Dur-
ing the hot weather of summer, deer are fond of repairing to those places at
night to lick the salty ground. Within easy range of these licks the Indians dug
shallow pits, and planted a few bushes in front of them asa screen, There the
hunter lay until a deer appeared, when he shot it. Sometimes, if bushes or
trees were at hand, they were used for concealment instead of pits. Deer
were also shot in this manner at their favorite drinking-places. This method is
still practised by the Indians. To huni deer single-handed required intimate
knowledge of the deer’s habits and of the ground which they frequent at different
seasons, ability to take advantage of cover and to get within range, and capa-
bility to track and to shoot well. Some Indians, especially single men, while
hunting on the mountains, endured much hardship and exposure. Some of them
would start out with cold weather in the winter-time, taking with them neither
food nor other clothing than that which they wore. They lived entirely on what
they shot, and used the raw deerskins for blankets. They made rough kettles
of spruce-bark or deer’s paunches, A hole was dug in the soft ground near the
fire, into which the kettle was placed, with brush underneath. The open end
was made small and stiff by means of a stick threaded through it around the
edge ; and the sides of the open end were sometimes fastened with bark to one
or two cross-sticks which lay on the ground across the opening. Hot stones
were put in to boil the food. These paunches were also sometimes used as
water-pails. +
A favorite metho’ of procuring deer was by means of deer-fences, These
were formerly very numerous, and their remains may still be seen in several
parts of the mountains, They were in common use as late as fifteen years ago,
and one of these was in regular use near Spences Bridge until about 1891.
Some of these fences were built in order to catch deer in the summer-time,
but most of them were intended for capturing deer from the latter part of Sep-
tember to the beginning or middle of December, since they were placed in those
parts of the mountains which the deer frequent at that time of the year. They
were generally built in little valleys or defiles between mountains, and especially
in those which were favorite places of deer crossing from one mountain to
another, or at spots where large numbers of deer generally passed on their way
down from the higher mountains to their winter grounds. In every case,
however, the localities were well chosen.
At these places a fence was roughly constructed, It was seldom over fot
feet or four feet and a half in height, and consisted of poles, limbs of trees, ete.,
placed close enough together to hinder the deer froi) passing through.
times these fences were from half a mile to a tile oF Hore fi length.
Some-
At intervals
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 247
of every eighty or a hundred yards a gate or opening was left wide enough
to allow a deer to easily pass through, In the middle of each opening a shallow
hole was scooped out, and a snare made of bark string was placed in it (Mig. 228).
This snare was also fastened to the small end of a long spring-pole (@), which was
placed in position on one side of the opening. The snare rested on a number
(eight or more) of small sticks (4), which lay over the shallow pit, and served to
release the trap. The spring-pole was held down by a trigger (¢) which was
pushed through between the two sticks d ande. When the deer stepped upon
the sticks 4, they pressed down e, and thus released the trigger ¢« The snare
was hidden under a thin covering of dry spruce-needles, which covered the
lower end of the spring-pole, A piece of log was placed on the ground a suf-
ficient distance from the snare on each side to compel the deer, in stepping over, to
Fig. 228. Deer-fence.
place his foot in the snare. As soon as the deer did this, the pole sprang up,
drawing the snare tight around his leg, and suspending him in the air, or at least
lifting him off the ground, Sometimes, when a very large buck was caught, he
would pull the spring-pole out of place, and go away with it attached tu his leg,
but he never went far before becoming entangled in the bushes, Deer-fences
were not much used by the Lower Thompsons. This method of hunting was
very successful if the snares were kept dry. The Lower Thompsons set nooses
on deer-trails. ‘The head of the animal or its antlers were caught in these nooses.
When two or three men hunt together, they generally start simultaneously,
at a distance of a few hundred yards from each other, to walk over the prescribed
ground, and meet occasionally at given points for consultation. If the party is
Jarge, the general method employed is that of driving. A leader is chosen to
direct the hunt, generally one of the more experienced men, and one who knows
well the ground to be hunted. In winter, one of the larger gulches may be
chosen, as the deer frequent such places during cold weather. Some of the best
marksmen are stationed at those places for which the deer are expected to make.
The rest of the party, who are the drivers, then make a circuit to the top of the
248 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
gulch, and come down in a line in the shape of a crescent, walking about a hun-
dred yards apart. The deer, if not shot, are driven before them, and try to make
their escape up the slopes leading out from the sides of the gulch. They are
then either shot down or frightened back by men stationed at these places. As
they cannot get back, owing to the drivers, they are forced to go towards the
bottom of the gulch, where most of them are shot by the main body of the marks-
men, who are stationed there behind trees or under other cover. Sometimes a large
number of deer are killed in one drive in this way. The Upper Thompsons
sometimes surrounded a valley from all sides, and drove the deer towards the
centre,
Generally the oldest hunter present divided the deer, which was cut into nine
pieces. The forelegs were cut away from the body, The two ribs or sides were
separated from the back. The brisket was cut out, and the back cut in two near
the shoulders, leaving the head and neck attached to the front half. In a fat
buck, besides these cuts, the fleshy and fatty part of the body between the skin
and the bones was laid off in an entire piece. This was considered the best part
of a fat buck, as there were no bones in it, and it contained a large part of the
fat of the animal.
When the party was not very large, the drivers were necessarily a consider-
able distance apart, which gave the deer a better chance to escape. In this case
the drivers resorted to shouting. This of course frightened the deer, and caused
them to run away from the drivers. Sometimes, when there were hot hunters
enough, and it was desired to “drive” a certain place, women and boys were
pressed into service. In some of the flatter and more open parts of the country,
deer were sometimes hunted by the Indians on horseback; but most of the
country is too rough for hunting in this manner. ;
Formerly deer were also caught in nets. These were about seven feet high
and from fifteen to two hundred yards long. This method of hunting was prac-
tised by the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, but to a still greater extent among
the Okanagon. The nets used were generally made of the bark of Apocynum
cannabinum L, They had large meshes, and were set at evening in open patches,
between clumps of bushes, forming a corral open at one side. The nets were tied
to the bushes, shutting off the open space between them. ‘They were often set
across deer-trails. Generally early in the morning there were some deer in the
corral unable to find their way out. Then the entrance was guarded, and men
went in to shoot the deer or drive them into the nets, in which they were en-
tangled. Deer were also driven into the corral by men, women, and children, who
formed a large half-circle, and gradually drove towards the entrance of the net.
Large hunting-parties would sometimes kill elk by driving them over cliffs
which border plateaus in some places, Deer and elk were also killed in winter,
when there was very deep snow in the mountains, by being run down by hunters
on snowshoes, who shot or clubbed them when near enough. Dogs also soon
ran them down when the snow was deep and had a thick crust.
TEIT, THE ‘THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 249
At the present day the men of the Upper Thompsons hunt a good deal.
Even those engayed in farming and other work often make short hunting-trips,
especially in winter-time, when, as a rule, there is not much other work to be done,
Hares, squirrels, and
grouse of several varieties,
were either snared in their
haunts or shot with arrows,
as described above (Fig.
222, 7). <A trap for small
game is shown in Fig, 22
The snare, like all others, is
made of twine of Apocynum
cannabinum L. The sides
of the loop rest in notches
cut in the sides of the trap-
stick, These snares were \
set on the animal’s run, The
spring-pole is generally from
five to six feet long.
Bears were generally hunted with bow and arrow, but sometimes with dogs.
They were also trapped by means of dead falls. Mountain-goat and big-horn
sheep were hunted with bow and arrows, Beaver were also occasionally hunted
with dogs. They were killed with a spear with a bone point. Coyotes and foxes
were often caught by digging or smoking them out of their holes. To kill black
bear or cougar was considered no great feet; but the hunter who had _ killed,
single-handed, grisly and especially silver-tip bear, was highly respected for his
courage ; and for this reason many young men hunted the grisly. Many stories
are related of desperate encounters with this animal. ‘The introduction of the
repeating-rifle has minimized to a great extent the dangers of such encounters,
The Indians claim that the grislies were much less fierce in some parts of
the country than in others. Stories are related of an Indian who lived a
couple of generations ago, and hunted the grisly with weapons peculiar to him-
self, One of these was a bone, which he held by the middle with his hand. It
was sharpened to a point at both ends. His other weapon was a stone club.
When the grisly opened its mouth and stood up to fight him, the Indian shoved
the hand holding the bone (with the points up and down) into the animal’s mouth,
When the beast closed its mouth, the sharp points pierced it, causing it great
pain; then, while the bear was trying with its paws to take the obstruction out of
its mouth, the Indian clubbed it. Excepting some of the older men, very few
of the Indians now trap or snare game or fur-bearing animals, The young men
prefer hunting to trapping.
Fisuinc. — In the larger rivers, where the current is generally rapid, salmon
and other fish are caught by means of the bag-net (Fig. 230). The net is
Fig. 229 (gh$7). Snare for Small Game.
ae
ABYOOIS Vo
es ef
wo a
~ aa!
y
a)
a
250 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, :
made of bark twine woven in large meshes. The size of the mouth is about equal
to the space enclosed by a man’s extended arms with the middle fingers touching
each other. This bag is fas-
Pn te , tened on a hoop, generally
jt Sua\s r of fir or cedar, which has a
SR long, straight handle of the
x ayy ( same material. Around the
. £9 nay och sy hoop there are small horn
SK ine a rings, to which the bag is
NYY attached. In nets used for
58) ey the capture of small fish
Sy” the meshes of the et are
cas fastened to the ho»p. A
string, to which a_ small
piece of stick is fastened at one end, for a handle, is attached to the bag, and this
is held in the hand of the fisherman while manipulating the net. When he is sure
of a capture, he lets go the piece of stick, when the weight of the fish causes the
horn rings to come together, and thus close the mouth of the net. The fisherman
then draws the net ashore, pulls the stick, thereby opening the bag, and throws
the fish*out. It is then put into a rather large circular hole made by scraping
away bowlders, which are piled up around the sides, leaving a clear space of
pebbles, sand, or gravel in the centre. The bowlders around the edges form a
wall a foot or two high. Near this hole is kept a small stick to be put into the
fish's mouth and gills, and to break its neck by pressing the head backward, as
well as a short club of wood or stone for striking the fish on the head and killing
it when first taken out of the water.
Drag-nets are occasionally used in winter, spring, and early summer, especially
in lakes and in the pools of rivers. They are generally about twenty fathoms
long, and their meshes are of about the same size as those of the dip-nets, or
slightly smaller. Some of them are set by being fastened to stakes at each end,
or have sticks for buoys, and stone sinkers at the bottom. They are left in the
water all night, and hauled into a canoe in the morning.
Plai.orms reaching a few feet out from the edge of the river are erected for
the fisherman to sit on while dipping his net into the stream, which he does at
short intervals, drawing it down with the current. These platforms are built at
those spots where the fish “hug the shore” in their attempt to get up a rapid
stretch of water. About three yards or so upstream, above the platform, a few
stakes about half a foot apart, and reaching a few feet above the surface of the
water, are driven into the river-bottom. Large flat bowlders held in both hands
were used as pile-drivers. The stakes are tied near their tops with withes to a
long pole which reaches to the shore and acts asa brace. This breakwater js used
for the purpose of making the water rough and foamy, to better hide the net when
dipped. Some fishermen drive stakes into the river-bottom not far from shore,
Fig. 230 (,§%,). Bag-net.
TELT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 251
to which they moor their canocs, and then dip for salmon with the bag-net. No
platform is then needed. Hauls made this way are not as heavy as those frem
platforms. On Thompson River, which has clear water, this kind of fishing is
generally done at night; but on Fraser River, where the water is very muddy,
fishing is carried on in the daytime. The lower course of Fraser River is particu-
larly well adapted to this method of fishing. The waters are exceedingly rapid,
compelling the fish to keep close to the banks. At the same time the salmon are
in good condition, having left the sea shortly before reaching the Fraser Cajon.
Nume ‘ous low points of rock jut out into the river, forming admirable stations
for the fishermen. Under these circumstances the Lower Thompsons catch plenty
of salmon, even in years when there is a comparative scarcity of fish ; therefore
they confine themselves to curing the choicest fish only. The king salmon is
considered best. . From it much oil is obtained.
The handles of bag-nets in use in the Fraser Cafion are frequently very long,
to facilitate their use from points some height above the water. As suitable
rocks are plentiful, fishing-platforms like those erected by the Upper Thompsons
are used in but few places.
Fig. <5 (qhfe). Fish-spear with Detachable Points. } nat. size.
Another favorite method of fishing is by spearing from the shore while the
salmon are running. .The spear (Fig. 231), which has a handle fifteen feet or
more in length, consists of two long prongs, each of which has a barb pointing
inward fastened at the end. The spear-head is attached loosely with a line to the
handle. When a fish is struck, the barbed points become detached from the
spear-head. The fish, with the detached barbed points in its body, is then
hauled ashore by means of the line. It is said that in some of these spears the
whole foreshaft is detachable. A spear consisting of a head with one long
barbed point is also used. Some of these are detachable, others not. The
spear is thrust right through the body of the fish, and is used with a very long
handle, for spearing’ fish off rocks or a considerable distance from shore. In the
stiller reaches of water, fish are speared from canoes at night by torchlight.
The principal kind so caught is a large species of trout weighing from thirty-five
to fifty pounds, Every spring, about April, the Spences Bridge band, the only
Thompson Indians who spear large fish in this way, used to gather near the
252 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
mouth of Nicola River to catch these large trout. This was done from plat-
forms on the south side of Thompson River for half a mile or more below the
mouth of Nicola River, to nearly half a mile up the Nicola. Above this
point they built a weir across Nicola River to stop the trout ascending, and
speared them. Large numbers of men of the Nicola and Lytton bands fished
here at the same time, so that there were at this season a hundred tents
Fig. 232 (y4fo). Three-pronged Fish-spear, nat. size.
or more at Nkamtci'n and Nskaptse‘lx. For this kind of trout a spear is used
the head of which consists of three prongs (Fig. 232), — two long ones with barbs,
and a short one in the middle with a sharp point. The head is securely fastened
to a comparatively short handle. The same kind of spear, only much smaller, is
used for spearing small fish. Formerly these spears were made of firwood, and
the barbs of deer-antler. Iron is now substituted for the latter, It is said that a
few of the spear-heads could be detached from the handle. They are always
used for striking down on the fish over the back, the barbs settling into each side,
and are specially adapted for spearing from canoes,
Fishing-canoes are manned by a crew of four or at least three men, who
wear masks or eye-shades (Fig. 233) as a protection from the glare of the light.
One man in the stern manages the canoe so as
to make it drift broadside down the current ;
another, in the centre, holds a torch; while a
harpooneer stands on each side of him. The
fish are speared from the downstream side of
the canoe. Very cold weather with running
ice is considered most propitious for spearing.
It requires considerable skill to spear the heavy
fish in this manner, and also to throw the fish
out of the barbed spear-head when taken into
the canoe, as the side-barbs sink deep into its
flesh, The Lower ‘Thompsons hardly ever
spear fish, owing to the muddy state of the
Fig. 233 (aha). Eye-shade. water of Fraser River, which prevents the fisk
from being seen,
In winter, fish were speared through holes in the ice. The spearman cov-
ered his head and shoulders with a blanket or mat for shade, that he might
be better able to discover the fish under water. No bait was used to attract the
fish, Sometimes the fisherman cut a large hole in the ice, through which he
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 253
fished with hook and line. He used as bait fish-oe, fishes’ eyes, ants’ eggs,
woodworms or grasshoppers, flies, and meat. He did not wear an eye-shade.
Others, again, speared anything seen when
walking along the edge of the ice. The hooks
were made of hare, dog, and deer bone; and
the lines, of Indian-hemp bark. The former
have been supplanted by metal hooks, but the
latter are still used. Some nooks consisted of
two bone barbs tied together (Fig. 234, @),
others were made of a shank of rosewood and a
bone barb (Fig. 234, 6). A short string was
attached to the hook, and served for tying on
the bait. The fish-line was generally kept
wound on a reel. The Lower Thompsons
hardly ever fished through holes in the ice.
Sturgeon are fished on Fraser River, near
Lytton, with hooks and lines, from the shore,
but more generally from canoes. Large bone
hooks about half an inch in diameter, with a
wooden shank five or six inches in length, and
a heavy bark line from seventy toa hundred
yards long, are used. A stone sinker is fas-
tened four and a half or five feet above the hook.
The largest sturgeon are caught in the stretch
of water from Si’ska to Lillooet. They OftEN Fig. 234.0 Cabos Bate) Fishshooks, 4 nat. size,
measure from nine to eleven feet in length.
The bait used is generally the tail-end ofa salmon. Sturgeon of a small size
are caught by the Lower Thompsons. No sturgeon frequent the rivers and lakes
of the country inhabited by the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands.
For fishing catfish, a stake is driven ito the river-bottom near shore, and
a rather thick, short line is fastened to it a little under water-line. Four
lighter lines, two or three feet in length and about as many icet apart, are
attached to the thick line; and hooks baited with fish, fry, or small trout, are
fastened to them. ‘These lines are left in the water over night, and examined
each morning. Other lines, several fathoms long, are set out in the stream.
Among the Lower Thompsons hook-and-line fishing is practised principally
by boys during fair weather in the few creeks in which trout are plentiful. A few
mountain lakes also contain trout; and people who camp near by for the pur-
pose of hunting and digging roots, fish for them from rafts with hook and line.
Salmon-trout are also fished with lines of bark cf 4 pocynum cannabinum L.,
made somewhat thicker than the ordinary lines, anu from thirty to fifty feet
or more in length. The hooks used are double or treble the size of the ordinary
trout-hooks, and were formerly made of bone or wood, with horn or bone points.
.207 ==
254 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
A few feet above the hook a stone sinker is fastened to the line. The whoie
line is coiled up in the hand, and thrown out into the stream as far as possible,
then gradually hauled in. ‘The bait used is roe of salmon-trout.
Weirs and traps were also used for fishing. The former were built in shal-
low rivers, and intended principally for catching salmon. They were made of
small poles, sticks, and limbs of bushes, set close together in the water, standing
Fig. 235. Fish-weir.
upright, and stretching across the river like a fence. These were fastened to-
gether or to horizontal cross-poles, and the whole was supported and kept in
position by large poles with braces set in the river (Fig. 235). The salmon
ascended to this obstruction, where they were stopped and speared by hundreds.
The fish were raked out with gaff-hooks, ‘These hooks have come into use
within the last twenty or thirty years. Spears were formerly used.
Traps are of two kinds. One kind is made of split pieces of pine-wood,
sometimes in the form of a box, with the slats so placed that the fish can go in
but cannot get out again. The other kind is cylindrical, and composed of
willow switches made into a basket. There are several varieties of these. The
traps are used in the spring or fall for trout, and are set in streams near the
outlets of lakes, the stream on each side of the trap being dammed up to allow
no other passage for the fish. Weirs and traps were hardly ever used by the
Lower Thompsons,
are
VI.—TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION ; TRADE. , ba
‘TRAVEL AND TRANSPORTATION, — The canoes used by the Thompson Indians
were mostly dug-outs made principally from cedar by the lower division, and
sold by them to the other divisions ot the tribe. They were seldom over twenty-
five feet in length. Forty or fifty years ago, canoes were manufactured in large
numbers, and were cheap and plentiful. The Spences Bridge band generally
bought their canoes from the Lytton band, and they in their turn from the
Lower Thompsons, although the Lytton and Upper Fraser bands manufactured
many themselves, chiefly of yellow pine and cottonwood ; but canoes made from
these were heavier and more liable to split than those made from cedar, The
pine dug-outs of the Lytton band were generally of fine workmanship, and almost b
if not equally as well made as those of the Lower Thompsons, The Spences
Bridge and Nicola bands, and to a lesser degree the other upper divisions of the
tribe, were indifferent canoe-builders, and they had very little wood in their wnt
country, at least in proximity to the rivers, suitable for that work. Bark canoes
were not much used by the Lytton band, probably because the material could not ine
be obtained in abundance in their country, and because cedar canoes were cheap ae |
and easily obtained. Bark canoes were formerly used by the Spences Bridge eae |
band, and possibly by the Nicola band and the Athapascan tribe of Nicola Val- 5
ley, — by the former on the lakes, where
much fishing was done. Lakes and deep | (———-—____— —, ?
mountain streams were generally crossed 4
on canoes of this kind (Fig. 236). They Fig. 236. Bark Canoe of Lower Thompson Indians,
have been out of use for the last thirty .
years or more. The Lower Thompsons used various types of dug-outs made of 4
cedar, which are shown in Fig, 237.
eee
ee) iD
Re oe ee ee ;
Fig. 237. Types of Dug-outs.
a
The prows, stern-pieces, and gunwales of these canoes were in many cases
carved, and painted red, white, and black. More recently blue and yellow have
also been used. Canoes were frequently ornamented with rows of elk or caribou
teeth and shells along the outside of the gunwales and on the sides of the bow
and stern. The Lower Thompsons ascribe no meaning to carvings on canoes rT
other than that of decoration. They probably copied the designs from their (w
[255] oe
256 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
neighbors on the coast. The paddies used for propelling canoes were of shapes
similar to those obtaining among the Coast Indians (Fig. 238), and were fre-
quently painted different colors. Rafts made of dry -
logs tied together with withes were used for fishing |
and for crossing rivers, and are still occasionally |
used. The Nicola band use rafts made of bundles |
ofrushes, At the present time canoes are expensive |
as well as scarce. Some of the Lytton Indians have
within the last few years adopted boats of cedar or
pine. These they make themselves, and occasionally
manipulate them partially with sails,
In olden times goods were transported by land on |
the back by means of tump-lines (Fig, 213). Meat,
baskets filled with berries and roots, and the few
. necessaries of a travelling family, were transported in chis manner. The Upper
Thompsons use tump-lines made of buckskin, while the lower division use also
cedar-bark lines or those woven of mountain-goat wool. The designs on these
are the same as those used on basketry (Fig. 311).
Dogs were never used for sleighing or packing purposes, as among the
tribes farther north, probably because the country
was too rough and mountainous, and also on account
of the light snowfall in the valleys,
While hunting or travelling in the mountains
when the snow is deep, the Indians make use of
snowshoes. Six forms are distinguished, accord-
ing to the form of the netting: 1. ‘The “owl sole,”
which is used by the Lower Thompsons; 2. The
“magpie sole” (Fig. 239), which is used by the
Lytton band, the Upper Fraser band, and to some
extent by the Spences Bridge band; according to.
mythology, these two forms were used by the Owl
and the Magpie respectively ; 3. A variety of the
second form, used by the same tribes; 4. The
“Stuwi’xamux sole” (Figs. 240, 241), which is
used by the Nicola and Spences Bridge bands and
by the Okanagon; it derives its name from the
Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley, who are said to
have used it; 5. The ordinary snowshoe; 6, Still
another type, which is used by the Spences Bridge
Fig. 239 (rf). Snowshoe, “Magpie Sole” and Upper Fraser bands, but is obtained by trade
a taal from the Shuswap. It is from four to five feet
} long, generally pointed at both ends, has two cross-sticks, and is more or less
firmly netted. It is best adapted for a flat, open country with loose snow. The
Fig. 238. Paddles,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 257
frames of the Lower Thompsons’ snowshoes are, on the whole, rounded (Fig.
242), this form being best adapted for travel on steep mountains, Their
meshes are rather wide, which is considered favorable for travel in moist
snow. Those in use among the upper portion of the tribe are much longer,
although generally not so long as those used by the Athapascan tribes of the
northern interior, They are also much better and more closely netted.
The front of the snowshoes is turned up. When bending them, the frames
of the two shoes are tied together, and the points spread apart by means of
Fig. 240.
Figs. 240 (h90), 241 (g48n). Snowshoes, * Stuwi’xamux Sole’ Pype. y's nat. siz.
Fig. 242 (gh$q). Ordinary Snowshoe, } nat, size,
a short stick. In this position they are steamed until they assume the proper
shape. The frame is made of one piece of mountain-maple or yew wood, and
the network is of raw deer-hide cut into fine strings and slightly twisted. A
temporary snowshoe is sometimes made use of. It consists of two pieces of fir-
branch about three feet long, and tied together at‘ both ends. Four or five small
sticks are tied across to stretch the shoe and to support the foot (Fig. 243). A
few men of the Nicola band at the present day occasionally use the lony wooden
snowshoe, after the Norwegian style, which they have adopted from the whites.
Hunters sometimes used toboggans made of fir-branches for sliding down snow-
covered hillsides.
Horses were introduced among the Upper Thompsons towards the end _ of
the eighteenth century. In the beginning they were extensively used for food.
They became common about fifty or sixty years ago. It seems that the first
258 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
horses were obtained from the Sahaptin, Shoshone, and Cayuse. Horses were
introduced among the northern Shuswap about the year 1830. They reached
the Carriers not before 1860.
At present horses are used for riding and packing. Pack-
saddles are generally made of poplar or birch. The articles to
be placed on the horse are put into square packing-skins of
scraped horse or buffalo hide, of the same kind as those used
by the Indians of the Plains, The packs are strapped to cach
side of the pack-saddle, The saddle-girth is made of canvas
or woven of horsehair, Before the arrival of the whites, riding-
saddles other than those of their own make were unknown.
They were made ot wood, and padded with soft skins, deer-hair,
or grass. Many were fringed and ornamented with porcupine-
quill embroidery or with beadwork. They used cruppers made
of buckskin, leather, or canvas, stuffed with horsehair or hay.
The stirrups were formerly made of wood (Fig. 244). Many
were carved, and the designs filled with red paint. Most of the
Indians rode bareback. Instead of bridles and bits, a noose of
skin or horsehair was put on the horse's nose and fastened to the
lower jaw. Leather saddles and bridles with Mexican bits are
now common, .
Saddle-blankets were made of sagebrush-bark, willow-bark,
seca taiec: or grass, woven like bed-mats, or of deer, bear, buffalo, and goat
Temporary Snowshoe, Skins and dressed buckskin. Formerly flat-backed baskets (Fig.
tenath. inches 146) were used as saddle-bags by the Lytton band, Nowadays
such bags are made of cloth or buckskin. Many of them are fringed, and
highly ornamented with embroidery (Fig. 151), Pack-
ropes and halter-ropes were made of bark-fibre, grass,
and horsehair. Some halter-ropes were made of a black
and a yellow horsehair rope twisted together.
Trapve.—There was in early days a considerable
trade between the different divisions of the tribe, and
even with neighboring tribes of the interior and of the
coast. The Okanagon sold to the Spences Bridge band
buffalo-hides, painted skin robes, bark of Apocynum canna-
binum L., deer-nets, skin bags, dressed moose-skin, scent,
paint or red ochre, horses, bark made into twine for snares,
Fig. 244 (Als). Stirrup. Height,
bone or horn beads, salmon, roots, berries, and sometimes 7 inches.
shells. The Nicola band, who had very little salmon in their territory, bar-
tered buffalo-skin bags, buckskins, and horses, for salmon, berries, roots, and
Indian-hemp bark ; but some of them fished with their friends at Spences Bridge.
Many of the articles traded for with the Okanagon were sold again to the Lytton
band ; but, besides, the Spences Bridge band sold to them buckskin of their own
Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History New York.
PUBLICATIONS OF THE JESUP
NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION
Edited by FRANZ BOAS.
he Jesup North Pacific
Expedition was or-
ganized in the year 1897
for the purpose of in-
vestigating the tribes in-
habiting the extreme
northern part of Asia and
the northwest coast of
America, with a view to
determining the relation-
ships between the races,
languages, and cultures
of this area. It was hoped
that the results of the in-
vestigation would contrib-
ute towards the solution
of the question of the
earliest relations between
the races of America and
Asia.
The funds for this
enterprise were furnished
through the liberality of
Mr. Morris K. Jesup,
President of the American Museum of Natural History in New York; and
the investigation was in charge of Dr. Franz Boas, Professor of Anthropology
at Columbia University.
The operations of the Expedition extended from the year 1897 to 1903,
_—
Chukchee Herdsman Throwing a Lasso.
Leiden. — E. J. BRILL Lrp, Printers and Pustisuers.
New York. — G. E. STECHERT & Co.
THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION,
and covered the area from Columbia River northward to Bering Strait, and
westward from Bering Strait to the Amur River. A number of expeditions
were organized. Field-work in America was car-
ried on by the leader of the Expedition, by
Prof. Rotanp B, Dixon of Harvard University,
Prof. Livincston Farranp of Columbia University,
Mr. Grrarp Fowke of St. Louis, Mr. Hartan
I, Smitu of the American Museum of Natural
History, Dr. Joun R. Swanton of the Bureau
of American Ethnology, and Mr. James Terr of
Spences Bridge, B.C. The work on the Asiatic
Continent was carried on by Mr. WaALpEMaAR
Bocoras of St. Petersburg, Mr. Gerarp Fowke of
St. Louis, Mr. WALDEMAR JocnELson of St. Peters-
burg, and Dr. Berrnoitp Laurer of Columbia
University. All these gentlemen have contributed
to the publications of the Expe-
dition.
The results of these investi-
gations are being published in a
series of volumes, in the same
form as the present prospectus.
The books are amply illustrated
with text-figures and_heliotype
plates, representing specimens col-
Stone Sculpture. Vancouver Island. lected on the various expeditions,
types and views. The whole
series is planned to embrace twelve volumes, ranging from
500 to 700 pages each.
The first ten volumes are devoted to a discussion of the
results of the single expeditions, and contain detailed descriptions
of the tribes inhabiting the northwest coast of the American
Continent, and the northeastern part of Siberia. Special attention
has been paid to giving a full representation of the various
aspects of the culture of all these tribes. For the solution of
the special problem of the Expedition, it has seemed particularly
important to collect the fullest possible data on mythology and
art, which will therefore be found to be discussed in consider-
able detail in all the volumes. Many of these volumes contain
also comparative material bearing upon the relations of the _
individual tribes to their neighbors. All the expeditions have collected a large
amount of anthropometric material, skulls, and other somatological information.
House-Post.
Haida Indians.
THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION,
This will be published in the eleventh volume of the series. In the twelfth
volume Professor Boas will give a general summary and state the final results
Model of a Haida Canoe.
of the Expedition. The material collected has shown clearly a close affiliation
between the aboriginal tribes of northwest America and of Asia.
The first and second volumes of the publications are devoted entirely to
a description of American tribes,
more particularly of the Salish tribes
of British Columbia and of the
State of Washington, and to
detailed discussions of the archzol-
ogy of southern British Columbia.
The third volume and the tenth
volume contain the linguistic results
obtained by the expeditions of
Professor Boas and Dr. Swanton,
the former dealing with the Kwakiutl
of northern Vancouver Island, the
latter with the Haida of Queen
Charlotte Islands. The results are
given in the form of texts, largely
of mythological character, in the
native languages, with parallel trans-
lations.
The fifth volume contains also
the results of these two expeditions,
the first part being a detailed dis-
cussion of the social organization
of the Haida Indians of Queen "Stone Dish. Cowichan Bay. British Columbia,
Charlotte Islands by Dr. Swanton,
while the second part will be devoted to a description of the ethnology of
the Kwakiutl Indians of Vancouver Island by Professor Boas.
The fourth volume is largely devoted to a description of the Amur River
Aboot v.
THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION.
tribes,, the first part being a discussion of the decorative art of this area by
Dr. BertHotp Laurer; while the second part will contain a contribution by
Dr. Leo STERNBERG on the material culture, religion, and social organization
of the Gilyak and Gold, with comparative notes on the Ainv.
The sixth volume is entirely devoted to a detailed description of the
Koryak by Mr. Watpemar JocueEtson, to which is added a brief description
of the Kamchadal by Mr. Watpemar Bocoras.
In the seventh volume Mr. Bocoras treats in a similar manner the ethnology
of the Chukchee; while volume VIII is largely devoted to the mythology of
this tribe, part of which is also given in the form of texts with parallel trans-
lations. The same volume will contain a brief description of the Eskimo of
Siberia by Mr. Bocoras.
In the ninth volume Mr. Jocuetson describes in considerable detail the
Yukaghir, and those Tungus tribes of Arctic Siberia that have come under
the influence of the Yukaghir.
Besides these volumes, an album of twenty-eight plates of the types of
British Columbia has been published.
PLAN OF PUBLICATION.
(Parts marked with an asterisk (*) are in preparation.)
VoL. I. viii-+454 po» 26 pl. 38! figs. and 2 maps. 4°.
I. Facial Paintings of the Indians of Northern British Columbia. Franz
Boas. 12 p. 6 pl. 1898 . + - ;
Il. The Mythology of the Bell: Coola indians “Beane Bose: 103 i
6 pl. 1898 . - we .
Ill. Archeology of Laiiion British Solutnbie ‘Harlan 1 Smith. 34 Ps
1 pl, 117 figs. 1899. -
IV. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia. James Teit. 228 P» 17 Bs
198 figs. 1900 . ; ‘
V. Basketry Designs of the "Salish Indians. Livingston Farrand. 10 py
3 pl, 15 figs. 1900. + -
VI. Archeology of the Thompson River Regiods British Columbia. Harlan
I. Smith. 42 p. 3 pl., 50 figs. 1900. Braitnn -bhdhieeleren ia oe ee
VoL. II.
I. Traditions of the Chilcotin Indians. Livingston Farrand. 54 Pp. 1900.
Il. Cairns of British Columbia and Washington. Harlan I. Smith and
Gerard Fowke. 22 p. 5 Pl» 9 figs, map. 1901. -
Ill. Traditions of the Quinault Indians. abil Farrand, cia: by
W. S. Kahnweiler. 56 p. 1902. - > i 5
IV. Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River, British Colienbias Harlin
I. Smith. 60 p., 2 pl. gi figs. 1903. + + ote
V. The Lillooet Indians. James Teit. 108 p., 2 a6 a8 ‘figs: ore ;
VI. Archeology of the Gulf of Georgia and me Sound. Harlan I. Smith.
142 p., 3 pl, 98 figs. 1907 .
VII. The Shuswap. James Teit. 370 Py» 2 pl “_—
VoL. III. Kwakiutl Texts. Franz Boas and George Hunt. viii + 533 P»
1902-1905 fig yoy aes Be Ry BS ga Ont
VoL. IV.
I. The Decorative Art of the Amur _ Tribes. cunssialas Laufer. 86 p.
33 pl., 24 figs. 1902. - a fete ae
*II, The Tribes of the Amur River. hae Starnberg,
VoL. V.
I. Contributions to the Ethnology of the Haida. a R. Swanton. ak P»
26 pl., 31 figs. 3 maps. 1905 - + +
Il. The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island. Heit Boas. 220 p., Pt ali +10
1 Flor. = Ds, 0.40 = Sh. 1.8 <= Frs. 2.10 = Mrk. 1.70.
Flor,
2.50
4.50
7:50
15.—-
14:75
7-50
20.—
25.—
a
THE JESUP NORTH PACIFIC EXPEDITION,
Flor,
VOL. VI. The Koryak. Waldemar Jochelson.
I. Religion and Myths. 382 p., 13 pl., 58 figs., MAP: 1905 «wt kw Bim
II. Material Culture and Social Organization. 429 p., 27 pl., 194 figs. 1908. 30.—
VOL. VII. The Chukchee. Waldemar Bogoras.
I. Material Culture. 276 P» 31 pl. 199 figs, map. 1904 . . . . , + 20—
II. Religion. 260 p., 3 pl, 102 figs. 1907. . . 2... oe. 10
III. Social Organization. 196 fi, T ph 1909 ee + + 7.50
VoL. VIII.
I. Mythology of the Chukchee. Waldemar Bogoras. 197 p. 1910. . . 6.25
*II. The Eskimo of Siberia. Waldemar Bogoras.
VOL. IX,
I. The Yukaghir and the Yukaghirized Tungus. Waldemar Jochelson.
133 p. 7 pl. i map. Ig10 OA Rae bt ae Ge Ten ge BE
VOL. X.
I. Kwakiutl Texts. — Second Series. Franz Boas and George Hunt.
BOD MOO. 6 ke we he a we ry fo
II. Haida Texts. John R. Swanton. 532 p. 19088. . 2... Te Ll, 13.50
VOL. *XI. Physical Anthropology.
VOL. *XII. Summary and Final Results.
BH A discount of 20°/, will be allowed to Subscribers to the whole Series,
SOME OPINIONS ABOUT THE PUBLICATIONS.
J. R. SWANTON, Contributions to the Ethnography of the Haida. Vol. V. 1. Wieder
ein grosses mit zahlreichen Tafein und Textabbildungen versehenes Prachtwerk der
ergebnisreichen Jesup-Expedition, das Beitrége zur Ethnographie der Haidaindianer
auf den K6nigin Charlotte-Inseln an der amerikanischen Nordwestkiiste bringt. Wahrend
Dr. Swanton seine sprachlichen Forschungen spiter in den Reports des Bureau of
American Ethnology zu verdéffentlichen gedenkt, behandelt er im vorliegenden Werk
zunachst die hochinteressante gesellschafcliche Organisation der Haida. Da er lange
unter ihnen gelebt, gewadhrt er uns tiefe Einblicke in den ausgebildeten Schamanismus,
das System der Zauberei und der Tabugebriuche, die eine ganz hervorragende Rolle
spielen. Der Band schliesst mit einem Verzeichnis der Familien, Dérfer und Hauser
der Haida, welche wie auch aus den Karten zu ersehen, wertvolle Erganzungen zu
den Karten der britischen Admiralitat bringen. (Globus).
WALDEMAR JOCHELSON, The Koryak. Religion and Myths. Vol. VI. 1. Es ist
dieses der sechste Band der vom amerikanischen naturwissenschaftlichen Museum in
New York veranstalteten so erfolgreichen Jesup-Expedition, ein wiirdiges Standard-
werk des russischen Verfassers, der schon zim zweiten Male zum Zwecke ethnogra-
phischer Forschung den unwirtlichen asiatischen Nordosten von Kamtschatka bis zur
Beringstrasse bereiste. Das Ergebnis seiner Arbeit, um es vorweg zu nehmen, ist
ein ausserordentlich wichtiges, es lautet: Die Mythologie und die Sagen der asiatischen
Korjiken und der nordwestafrikanischen Indianer, wiewohl beide Volker heute durch
gewaltige Zwischenrdume und das Meer getrennt sind, hatten in weit zuriickliegender
Zeit rege und andauernde Beziehungen zueinander, und beide Volker tauschten gegen-
seitig ihre Ideen aus. Das ist ein fiir die Vélkerkunde héchst belangreiches Ergebnis,
welches auch durch anderweitige Forschungen der Jesup-Expedition bestatigt wird.
Das grundlegende Werk umfasst gegen 400 Seiten, enthalt eine grosse Anzahl Tafeln
und bringt am Schlusse eine grosse Sprachenkarte, welche die Verteilung der Tun-
gusen, Jakuten, Tschuktschen, Korjaken, Kamtschadalen, Eskimo und Russen im
nordostlichen Asien zeigt. (Globus).
WALDEMAR BOGORAS, The Chukchee. Material Culture. Vol. VII. 1. In diesem
Werke, das den ersten von drei Teilen iiber die Tschuktschen bildet, liegt eine zuver-
lassige und allseitige Schilderung der materiellen Kultur dieses Volkes nach den
modernen Anforderungen der Vélkerkunde vor, wahrend wir bisher nur Materialien
dazu besassen. Mit hohen Erwartungen diirfen wir nach dieser Probe der Bearbeitung
der ,Religion” und der ,sozialen Verhaltnisse” entgegensehen, die zu erfassen ungleich
schwerer ist. Bogoras hat aber bereits in dem Kapitel iibez die ,Charakterziige”, die
Spiele”, von denen ein grosser Teil besonders bei religidsen Festen stattfindet, und
an andern Stellen auch auf diesen Gebieten eingehendes Verstandnis fiir die Wichtig-
keit von Einzelheiten bewiesen. (Petermann's Mitteilungen).
SOME OPINIONS ABOUT THE PUBLICATIONS,
BERTHOLD LAUFER, The Decorative Art of the Amur Tribes. Vol. IV. 1. This
monograph, like all the memoirs of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, consists of
the presentation of entirely new material. Sumptuously illustrated with 250 drawings,
it deals with the decorative art, which is practically all the art, of the Gold, Gilyak,
Orochon, and other tribes of the Amur region, including the Ainu. More articles
of the Gold are described than all the other tribes together. Various arts are
represented — carving in relief, ornamental painting, cutting of patterns in birch-
bark and paper, and especially embroidering. A great variety of decorated objects
are treated of, such as eye-protectors, mittens, spears, baskets, coats, and spoons.
The bulk of the book consists of a reproduction in illustrations of a large number
of specimens of this art, and of an analysis in the text of the ornamental forms so
shown. This analysis is carried out with great detail and much accuracy.... Dr.
Laufer’s analysis, in addition to being marked by caution and good sense, has the
inestimable advantage of being founded on that of the natives.
(American Anthropologist).
HARLAN I. SMITH, Shell-Heaps of the Lower Fraser River, British Columbia.
Vol. II, 4. Il est impossible de ne pas admirer le patriotisme avec lequel les
Américains s’occupent des antiquités de leur pays et les sommes considérables que
les riches capitalistes dépensent pour aider au progrés scientifique sous toutes ses
formes. Au premier rang, je citerai M. Jesup, le président du Musée américain
d’histoire naturelle de New-York et les expéditions organisées par lui dans |’extréme
Nord de son pays. Des pléiades de jeunes gens distingués sont accourus a son appel.
Leurs recherches, leurs fouilles faites avec soin ont été couronnées de succés et leurs
récits publiés par le Musée, méritent les belles éditions qui leur sont consacrées. Parmi
ces savants, je nommerai M. Harlan Smith qui vient de publier un excellent travail
sur les kéjkkenméddings qui existent 4 l’embouchure du Fraser dans le golfe de
Géorgie. (L’ Anthropologie).
- ; ‘ gs ‘
: on eq
7 ) 2 [. 2s ”
‘ Pile co a
5 f Tae | ot
A RELI MUi PP SA REN RIAA Tt cena =~ -_ — —
TEIT, THE ‘THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 259
manufacture, elk-skin, dried venison ; also Indian-hemp bark, wild sunflower, and
bitter-root, which grew in abundance only in their country. They received in
exchange dried salmon caught in Fraser River, canoes, dried huckleberries,
cedar-root baskets, and sometimes steatite for making pipes. The cedar-root
baskets were often resold. When the Spences Bridge band bought canoes
from the Lytton band, they generally hired a couple of the latter Indians to
bring them up the swift waters of Thompson Cafion to their country. This
was done by paddling, poling, and towing. These men were paid in buckskins.
The Lytton band traded also with the Lower Thompsons. They gave buck-
skins, dentalia, tcbacco, big-horn sheep spoons, buffalo-skin bags, bark-twine
bags, pipes, mats, dried roots (such as Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and
Lewtsta rediviva Pursh.), berries (especially service-berries, soap-berries, and wild
currants), bark for making thread and string, and red ochre, in exchange for
canoes, dried salmon, smoked salmon-heads, salmon-grease, cedar-bark, wood of
different varieties for making pipe-stems, siskelp-wood for making bows, skins of
black-tailed deer for making moccasins, hazel-nuts, dried huckleberries, vegetable
paint (white and red, the latter made of a fungus growing on hemlock-trees),
woven goat-hair blankets, and baskets. Recently the Upper Thompsons also in-
troduced horses and tomahawks. The Lower Thompsons sold to the Coast
tribes dried goat’s flesh, goat-skins, goat’s hair, dried ‘“kwoi'a” salmon ; dried
soap-berries, service-berries, and huckleberries ; moss-cakes ; roots of the wild lily
(Lilium Columbianum Hanson); “skametc” roots; deer, elk, and goat fat ;
dressed elk and deer skins ; bark twine ; cedar-root baskets ; and dentalia. They
received in return “ nxo’itlaxin ” grass, rush mats of one kind, dried dog-salmon,
sturgeon-oil, canoes, and abelone shells. There was considerable trade between
the Upper Thompsons and the Shuswap, who exchanged principally caribou and
deer skins, and dentalium shells, for dried fish from the Spences Bridge band.
These shells were said to be obtained from the Chilcotin and the Carriers, and
sold again to the Upper Thompsons and Okanagon. At long intervals small
parties of Okanagon came down to Boston Bar and bought dried salmon, paying
for them with roots of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., and Lewésta rediviva
Pursh., some kinds of dried berries, and dressed buffalo and deer skin.
A noted resort for trading and fishing was at the “ Fountain,” near the
borders of the Shuswap and Lillooet territory, where also the Lower !illooet
came. Here, on Fraser River, salmon were caught in abundance. Later on, a
pack-train from the Hudson Bay Company came here once a year to buy salmon
and to trade. When fish were scarce in Thompson River, the Spences Bridge
and Nicola bands, Okanagon, and eastern Shuswap came here for salmon. One
of the principal points for intertribal trade was Spences Bridge. Occasionally
Indians of the Spences Bridge, Nicola, and Lytton bands, but principally the
last, traded in the fall with the Similkameen at or near Keremeous. Later, when
the Indian tribes were more friendly to one another, bands of southern Carriers
came into the Shuswap country to trade for fish. A few years previous to 1858,
q
is
CAREERS
260 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF 8RITISH COLUMBIA.
at two different times, these people came as far south as Thompson River to buy
food, and wintered in the neighborhoed of Spences Bridge. The northern
Shuswap sometimes wintered near Spences Bridge; and the Okanagon wintered
on the Lower Nicola, a few miles from its mouth; but the Walla ‘Walla seldom
or never wintered among the Thompson Indians,
Indian-hemp bark was put up in bundles about two feet long and two
inches in diameter, tied at both ends, and six of these bundles constituted a
“ package.” Dried salmon were generally sold by the “stick,” each stick num-
bering one hundred fish. Buffalo-skins were sold tanned with the hair on, and
without the neck or shoulder. Some of them were cut in halves, Some buffalo-
robes were painted when bought. Wild-sunflower root, as well as bitter-root,
was sold largely to the Lower Thompsons, in whose country it did not grow.
Both were of about equal value. Fern and other roots eaten by the Lower
Thompsons were not bought by the Upper Thompsons, who did not care to eat
them. Goat-hair blankets made by the Lower Thompsons seldom or never went
farther east than the Lytton band. The Spences Bridge band did not like them,
as they made their skins itch, and they thought they did not look as well as the
skin robes and clothes in which they themselves dressed.
After the Hudson Bay Company and the Northwest Company established
forts in different parts of the country, articles obtained from the whites by the
Indians belonging to the neighborhood of these places were often resold to those
Indians who lived at a greater distance from the trading-posts. At that time
there were no trading-posts in the country of the Lower Thompsons. I believe
the Northwest Company commenced to trade at Fort Kamloops about the year
1810, and were superseded by the Hudson Bay Company in 1821. Kamloops,
although in Shuswap territory, was the post to which the Upper Thompson
Indians carried their furs. Sometimes Hudson Bay Company employees would
come as far down as Spences Bridge, trading tobacco, rjbbons, etc., for furs and
dried salmon, In later years, the Lower Thompsons did most of their trading
with the Hudson Bay Company post at Yale, which was near the borders of their
country. Atthe present day the whites have many stores in the Thompson country,
where, at a moderate price, the Indians can obtain almost anything they desire.
Many of the older Indians, however, claim that the clothing now sold to them lasts
no time, and that they would willingly pay double the money, if they could obtain
the same quality as was formerly sold to them by the Hudson Bay Company.
I give below the principal commodities of trade, with lists of articles for
any one of which they may be exchanged.
For 4 stick dried salmon : For 1 stick dried salmon :
1 woven bag. 1 painted buffalo-skin bag trimmed with
1 red or yellow stone pipe (catlinite stone). fringe.
1 tomahawk, 1 fathom Hudson Bay red cloth.
1 hatchet. 1 fathom Hudson Bay tobacco,
1 pipe.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 261
For 1 dressed moose-skfn :
1 dressed buffalo-skin.
2 sticks dried salmon.
For 1 dressed elk-skin :
4 to 5 sticks dried saimon.
For 2 large dressed elk-skins :
1 flintlock gun (nearly new).
For 1 large cedar-root basket :
1 medium-sized buckskin and half of a
doeskin.
1 large dressed buckskin.
For 2 sticks dried salmon :
1 tanned buffalo-skin with hair on and with
neck or shoulder,
1 dressed moose-skin.
For 3 sticks dried salmon :
1 tanned buffalo-robe without hair.
1 large dressed buckskin.
For 4 to 5 sticks dried salmon :
1 dressed elk-skin.
For 6 sticks dried salmon :
1 second-hand flintlock gun.
1 two-year-old horse. For i medium-sized hasket :
For 5 dried salmon : 2 bark-twine sacks.
3 sticks of perfume (each 4 to6 inches long). 2 mats.
For 1 large dressed buckskin : For 1 small basket:
1 medium-sized buckskin and 4 a doeskin.
1 tanned buffalo-robe without hair.
1 second-hand buckskin shirt (man’s or
woman’s).
1} to 2 fathoms circular bone or antler
beads threaded on bark strings.
2 fathoms and $ an arm’s length bone or
horn beads threaded alternately with
dentalia and large blue glass beads.
2 fathoms dentalia.
3 to 3¢ fathoms dentalia threaded on string.
5 packages Indian-hemp bark.
10 cakes service-berries or soap-berries.
10 bundles bitter-root.
1 cedar-root basket, largest size.
2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil.
4 bags salmon-oil.
3 sticks salmon.
1 Hudson Bay tomahawk.
1 Hudson Bay axe.
1 copper kettle.
1 old musket.
1 steel trap.
1 canoe.
For 1 medium-sized buckskin :
1 pair second-hand long buckskin leggings.
1 fully rigged new dip-net.
1 large spear with very long handle.
Enough thick buckskin to make a pair of
moccasins.
For 1 canoe:
3 to 3f fathoms dentalia threaded on string.
1 Hudson Bay tomahawk
1 large dressed buckskin.
5 packazes In jian-hemp bark.
1 cedar-root basket, largest size.
2 salraon-skins full of salmon-oil.
3 sticks salmon,
1 copper kettle,
1 old musket.
1 steel trap.
For 12 packages Indian-hemp bark :
1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented
with ribbons.
1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.
1 dressed doeskin.
For 5 packages Indian-hemp bark :
3 to 3 fathoms dentalia threaded on string.
1 largest size cedar-root basket.
2 salmon-skins full of salmon-oil.
1 large dressed buckskin.
1 Hudson Bay tomahawk.
3 sticks salmon.
1 copper kettle,
1 old musket.
1 steel trap.
For 1 dressed doeskin :
12 packages Indian-hemp bark.
1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented
with ribbons.
1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.
For 1 good black-fox skin :
I canoe.
For 1 slave:
1 large net for catching salmon.
For 1 good slave :
1o fathoms dentalia, 2 dressed buckskins,
and 1 dressed elk-skin,
1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay For 1 slave of less value :
From 5 double fathoms dentalia to 5 double
fathoms dentalia and 1 canoe,
coat with he d.
1 horse,
PRO I GIREIES UT
262
For
For
For
For
For
For
For
Yor
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
2 pairs long buckskin ieggings :
4 tail-feathers of the golden eagle.
1 pair second-hand long buckskin leggings :
1 fully rigged dip-net for catching salmon,
1 large spear with very long handle.
1 medium-sized dressed buckskin.
1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented
with ribbons:
t second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt.
12 packages Indian-hemp bark.
1 dressed doeskin.
1 mare;
2 stallions.
1 horse :
1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay
coat with hood.
1 good black-fox skin.
1 two-year-old horse :
1 second-hand flintlock gun.
6 sticks dried salmon.
1 one-year-old colt :
2 to 3 tanned buckskins.
1 second-hand Hudson Bay coat or shirt :
1 pair cloth leggings with fringe ornamented
with ribbons,
12 packages Indian-hemp bark,
1 dressed doeskin.
1 fathom Hudson Bay red cloth ¢
1 painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe.
1 stick dried salmon,
1 fathom Hudson Bay tobacco ;
1 painted buffalo-skin bag with fringe.
1 stick dried salmon,
For 1 Hudson Bay tomahawk :
5 packages Indian-hemp bark.
1 cedar-root basket, largest size.
1 large dressed buckskin.
2 fathoms dentalia.
3 sticks salmon,
1 copper kettle.
1 steel trap.
I canoe,
Fo
—
Fo
=
For 1 Hudson Bay blanket and 1 Hudson Bay
coat with hood :
1 good black-fox skin.
1 horse.
For 1 large net for catching deer :
1 slave.
VII.—WARFARE.
The weapons of the Thompson Indians were bow and arrow, spear, knife,
war-club, and tomahawk. For defence, shields and armors were used, Bows and
Fig. 245 (rts). Short
Spear with
§ nat, size,
tone Point.
arrows have already been described (pp. 239-243). Some war-
riors named their arrows after fierce animals or birds, whose pic-
tures they painted on the shafts, They also poisoned their arrows
with the juice of a small yellow flower (Ranunculus sp.), or with
rattlesnake poison, The common kind of spear was from three
to four or even six feet in length.
Short spears were preferred in
wooded parts of the country. The
spear-heads were similar in shape
and material to the arrow-heads,
except that they were larger. Iron
spear-heads, and knives attached to
shafts, became common in_ later
days. The base of the spear-points
was often ornamented with hawk-
feathers or hair. Fig. 245 repre-
sents a short spear with stone point.
It is painted red and white with the design of a
skeleton. The white spots on the blade represent
the orbits; the middle line, the nose of the skull ;
the red and white rings and the shaft, the ribs. Large
knives, often made by the Indians themselves from
steel traps, hoop iron, files, etc., with handles of antler,
were used. The handles often had spikes for
striking the enemy. Fig, 246 shows a common style
of war-knife. The blade is made out of a file; the
handle, out of a gun-barrel ; the guard and ring, of
brass welded with lead. The Lower Thompsons
used a double-edged war-knife with a simple handle.
Formerly double-pointed bone daggers were used,
with a hand-grip in the middle. These were un-
known to the Lower Thompsons. A kind of war-
club, consisting of a round stone enclosed firmly in
thick hide, and fastened to a handle which was at-
tached to the hand and wrist by a thong, was swung
around for striking the enemy on the head (Fig.
247). Another kind differed only in having the , ig. 46 (pte, war
stone loose in the skin (Fig. 248). Sometimes balls
of wood were used in place of stone.
[263]
te eee
264 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
Another weapon was made of a polished greenish stone. Its blade, sharpened
on each edge, was from three inches to three inches and a half wide, terminating
at one end in a long point for stabbing,
The other end was small, and finished
with a knob for grasping in the hand.
The whole weapon was about two feet
long. It was scarce, and highly prized by
the Indians, It was evidently similar
to the stone daggers found by Harlan
I, Smith in the shell-heap of Eburne
on the delta of Fraser River (Fig. 249).
Shorter stone clubs of this kind, of
Fic, 247. Fig. 248. Fig. 249 (ghda). Stone Fig. 250, a (ahs), & (hay). Short Stone Clubs.
Figs. 247 (1495), 248 (g49o). War-clubs, 3 nat, size. Dagger. Length, 13 in. 4 nat, size,
square cross-section, were often concealed about the person, and used in sudden
attacks (Fig. 250). A similar instrument was made of elk-antler, bone, or wood.
The one represented in Fig. 251 is made of birch-wood, The groups of cross-
lines represent ribs. To this class of weapons belongs the copper club found at
Spuzzum (Part III, Fig. 82). Still another kind had a broad, thin head
ending in a spike in front. Into a wooden handle a foot and a half in length,
stone heads, often axe or tomahawk shaped (Fig. 252), or V (Fig. 299) or spike
shaped, were fastened with thongs. Some of these had back spikes. Sometimes
horn or bone was substituted for stone. Tomahawks were not used by the
TELT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 265
Lower Thompsons, Pipe tomahawks, and other steel or iron tomahawks and
hatchets of different shapes, were used in recent times, being procured from the
Hudson Bay Company and the Okanagon,
A coat of mail was sometimes made in the form of a cuirass, It consisted
of four boards an inch anda half thick, two for the front and two for the back, which
reached from the collar-bone to the hip-bone,
These boards were laced together with buckskin,
and the whole covered with thick elk-hide, A
vest of armor was made of narrow strips of wood
from half an inch to an inch in thickness (Fig.
253) or of rods (Fig, 254), and went entirely
around the body. The strips of wood were placed
vertically, and laced to-
gether with bark strings.
This vest reached from
the collar-bone to the hip-
bone, and was held over
the shoulders by means of
thongs. Such vests of
armor were generally cov-
ered with one or two thick-
nesses of elk-skin, with a
cut. fringe around the
bottom, and painted with
animal and geometrical
designs, according to the
dreams of the owner.
Some of them were also
ornamented with feathers
attached to the bottom or
shoulders. Another kind
of armor was in the form
of a tunic of elk-hide, that
reached about halfway to, Fig. 2s: «ite. Tomahawk,
the knee. The sleeves
came to the elbows, Before being used, it was soaked in water, and was then said
to be perfectly arrow-proof. It must then have also been of enormous weight.
Shields were made of wood, and covered with the hide of some large animal,
such as the elk, buffalo, or bear; or they consisted of two or three thicknesses of
hide only. They were small, circular, and flat in shape, being probably not over
two feet in diameter, ornamented with elk-teeth, hair, and feathers, generally the
last-named. The large copper kettles which the Indians bought from the
Hudson Bay Company were beaten out, polished, and made into small circular
7 hae
|
m
} weer
‘nee |
vom |
:
|
i
Fig. 251 (yh$5). Birchewood Club. 4 nat, size,
essensene22
ime & ww?
i a,
seinen tnt ttl 59 gro te
women
OW NS So
266 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
shields. Another kind of shield consisted of a large, almost square piece of
stiff elk-hide, sometimes double, long enough to cover most of the body, being
Sait 3
from four to five feet in
length, and three or four
feet in width, It was fas-
tened around the neck or
shoulder with a thong, and
two loops were attached
for the thumbs of both
hands, by which means it
was shifted around to pro-
tect any part of the body
(Fig. 255). The decora-
tion of the shield figured
here represents two suns.
Shields were not used by
NTH the Lower Thompsons.
ppADDVUNBEODIDDODEVTD DbbedD All the aboriginal
mi TTL LL ke. weapons here mentioned
synnnnn " have long been out of
pn ie. edisplite, peiheen
ILO DMMUL LLU) the bow and arrow, rough
specimens of which are
sometimes used by the
boys as toys. The car-
Fig. 254 (o}8y). Armor. rying of weapons, except
while hunting, is aban-
doned ; although some old
men still wear a sheath-
knife, which they use
when eating, and for many
other purposes.
yy a No stockades seem
it LAAT Rd hal ire re a” to have been used by the
ale) A oa eee Thompson Indians, but
fortresses or fortified
houses were at one time
in use in a few places.
These were small, and
made of logs laid lengthwise on the ground, one above another, somewhat
as ina log-cabin. The roof was also of logs laid close together. Loopholes
were left in some places between the logs, ‘The whole structure, or at least the
greater part of it, was covered with brush and earth. They were built generally
i
Fig. 255 (g49s). Hide Shield, yy nat, size,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 267
not far from the main rivers, and had two or more long entrances, which con-
sisted of trenches roofed with sticks and brush, and thickly covered over with
earth, These passages were low, and were blocked at the mouth by large stones.
Food and water were kept on hand inside, These fortresses were said to be
impregnable, as they could not be broken into successfully, and they could not
be set on fire from the outside. ‘Siege was never resorted to, No war-parties
were strong enough to maintain a siege in an enemy's country; besides, they
carried no food with them, The fortresses of the Lillooet were quite different in
construction, and were sometimes taken by storm or set on fire with arrows to
which lighted cedar-bark was attached.
Before the arrival of the fur-traders, the Thompson Indians often engaged in
war-expeditions, Up to 1858, and even later, regular tribal wars, in which one
whole tribe was arrayed against another, were very rare. Most of their war-
fare was for the sake of plunder, adventure, or revenge. War-parties numbered
from five or six individuals to companies of several hundred. A man who
refused to join in these war-expeditions lost the respect of his fellows, Though
many of the chiefs favored peace rather than war, yet there was seldom much
difficulty in obtaining men for these expeditions, many joining for the sake of the
spoils, others merely from love of adventure or to obtain distinction.
Many are the stories told of the exploits of these war-parties, some of which
make conspicuous their endurance, courage, and prowess ; but these tales oftener
recount the most revolting cruelty and the basest treachery. The object of these
parties was to surprise their enemy by a stealthy attack or sudden onslaught.
Ambuscades were also frequent. It was considered a very brave deed to take a
stockade or fortified house by storm, but this was not often done.
The war-party was under the command of a war-chief. Young men of little
experience were always kept in the middle of the party. The best men always
led. A number of scouts were sent ahead, and watched the camp at night.
Large parties employed four scouts. The warriors communicated by signals,
such as imitations of cries of birds or other animals, and by sign language.
Notices were left for distant members of the party by means of sticks placed in
peculiar positions, etc. The war-party took little food along. They ate spar.
ingly. The food was distributed by the chief, who passed it around the circle of
warriors in a direction opposite to that of the sun’s course. They also lighted as
few and as small fires as possible, preferring for this purpose yellow-pine bark,
calléd the “ enemy's firewood,” because its fire goes out quickly, and it is difficult
to tell how long the fire has been made.
The men of a war-party wore little clothing, so as to have the greatest free-
dom for action. Many went naked above the waist, while others covered most
of their body with armor. Before engaging in a hand-to-hand contest, the bow
and quiver were often thrown aside. During the march, and particularly before
an attack, the warriors put on their war-paint, and dressed their hair in the style
peculiar to the warrior (see p. 226). They painted the face, and often all the
ase Mies AS
268 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
body above the waist, in red, or in red and black. These colors were put on in
narrow red stripes a little distance apart, sometimes alternating with black ; or
sometimes one side of the face was painted black and the other red, or the upper
part of the face red and the lower part black, or vzce versa, It is difficult to
state definitely whether other colors than red and black were used as war-paint,
though some assert that yellow and white wére occasionally employed. Some
painted patterns on face and body according to what they saw or were told in
their dreams. Other war-parties were all painted in one way, so that in an
encounter there should be no mistaking one another for an enemy.
Some warriors fasted the day before an imminent attack. In a hand-to-
hand struggle, such as the entering and taking of a fortified house, the front men
used short spears; the men behind, tomahawks, clubs, and long knives; while
the men behind these used bows and arrows,
A man who ran away when about to enter battle, or while a fight was going
on, was frequently shot by his companions for his cowardice. The war-chief
generally divided the booty and slaves ; the bravest warriors, or those who had
distinguished themselves, being given the best shares or their choice of every-
thing. Sometimes little or no order was observed, and every one took what he
wanted, Frequently they fought among themselves over the division of the
spoils. Sometimes a warrior who did not kill an enemy was not allowed any
of the booty.
Scalping or beheading was not much practised by the Thompson Indians,
although they occasionally resorted to both, and would bring home for display
the head of some distinguished enemy slain, after which it was thrown into the
river, Some warriors never took a scalp; others scalped every male enemy that
they killed. They ornamented their weapons, and sometimes their clothes, with
locks of hair from the enemy's scalp, from the longest of which they made belts
and braids, with the addition sometimes of eagle-feathers, When going to
battle, they often wore the dried scalps fastened to their hair, or a scalp attached
to each of their “horns.” This showed the enemy that the man was an old
warrior. Some men took only those scalps which had very long fine hair, — both
of men and of women, — which was used for ornamental purposes.
The tribes with which the Thompson Indians made war were those of the
Fraser River delta, the Lillooet, and the Shuswap. The Lower Thompsons,
being the nearest to the Coast tribes, were the only division of the tribe that
waged war on those people, who, it is said, hardly ever made any reprisals, or
ventured into the territory of the Thompsons, The Upper Thompsons waged
war with the Lillooet, especially with the Lower Lillooet. These latter were
the common prey of the neighboring interior tribes, The Lower Lillooet were
formerly numerous, They had large stores of fish and other goods; but
they were indifferent warriors, and their weapons were less skilfully made than
those of the tribes east of the Coast Range, Their arrow-heads especially were
large and clumsy, Like the Coast tribes, they scarcely ever made reprisals, and,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 269
though separated by only one narrow range of mountains from the Upper Fraser
band, still never ventured into their country. Instances are on record, however,
of their crossing over, and attacking the Lower Thompsons,
The Shuswap were more warlike, and avenged every invasion of the
Thompson bands, Judging by the Shuswap war-stories, they made more
expeditions against the Thompsons than the latter made against them ; but they
were often the victims of the treachery of the Thompsons, The Shuswap were
on good terms with the Spences Bridge band, though the northern Shuswap were
sometimes at variance with them; and war-parties from Spences Bridge pene-
trated far up North Thompson River and to the neighborhood of Soda Creck.
A party from Lytton penetrated even into the Chilcotin country, but, finding no
one, on their return they attacked the Lillooet. At one time a party of Lower
Okanagon from the American side, south of the Columbia River, lay concealed
for two days in order to attack a band of Spences Bridge Indians ; but so watch-
ful were the latter, that the Okanagon returned without striking a blow. At
another time, a tribe southeast of the farthest Okanagon penetrated to Nicola
River, and abducted two women of the Athapascan tribe of that valley.
The Thompson Indians had little contact with the Athapascan Indians of
the north until later days, and then for trading purposes only, though about a
hundred years ago a war-party supposed to be Chilcotin penetrated into the
territory of the Shuswap, and went as far south as the north side of Thompson
River, near Spences Bridge. Here they were discovered, and chased by a party
of Thompson Indians back into the Shuswap country, where they were almost
exterminated, Peace was sometimes made between the Upper Thompsons and
Shuswap by the giving of the daughter of some noted warrior or war-chicf of
the one tribe to the son of a war-chicf of the other, The intercession of an
orator or chief who favored peace would at times avert war, and fighting would
give way to feasting.
The slaves taken in war by the Lower Thompsons were Indians from Lower
Fraser River, while those taken by the upper division of the tribe were mostly
Lower Lillooet. The Shuswap and Upper Thompsons seldom captured slaves
from each other; but, when this did happen, they were taken back by force of
arms, purchased by their friends, or, after some years, allowed to escape.
Formerly there were many Lillooct slaves among the upper divisions of the
tribe ; but most of them were purchased by the chief Cixpe’nLem, or his father,
about 1850, and taken back to their country. Most of those taken in war and
enslaved were young women, and sometimes boys and girls. A warrior who
took many slaves sold most of them when he reached home.
In former times the Lytton, Spences Bridge, and Nicola bands were con-
sidered the most warlike divisions of the tribe, while the Upper Fraser band and
the Lower Thompsons were looked upon as less warlike and less skilled, and
were to some degree looked down upon by the former groups, The Lower
Lillooet and the Coast tribes were also considered very unwarlike and, even yet
ve s
pees 4 *
as
Len SPRangeE reiaartermaRe Dron
270 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
are looked down upon to some extent, because of their ignorance of horses and
of hunting. A good horseman or a good hunter is the ideal of the Upper
Thompson Indians, The Upper Thompsons considered the Shuswap their
equals, and those of Upper Fraser River as the most warlike. The Chilcotin
and Carriers were considered inferior warriors ; while the Okanagon, especially ©
the division of them called Tcutxwaut’d’é, were looked upon as the most warlike
and important people of whom they had any knowledge.
The Thompson Indians fought among themselves as well as against other
tribes, as evidenced by blood feuds between different families. The most trivial
quarrels and insults often ended in bloodshed. No man went unarmed, and he
was always ready to shoot, or guard against being shot. Scouts were on the
watch at night to guard against any surprise by an enemy, and even at the cry
of some bird or animal, fearing it to be an enemy’s signal, would at once shout
out vrhoops of defiance, to put their friends on the alert, and to warn the enemy
thu: they were anticipated. In some places the fires were put out at sunset, and
the people retired to fortified camps or houses for safety. It is said that even
when eating their meals many men laid their weapons across their knees to be
ready for instant use. Knives were carried slung over the shoulder, or placed in
the legging, in the sash, or in the sleeve. Small-sized bows and arrows were
sometimes concealed under the shirt, to enable a man to shoot another when
least expected. After guns came into use among them, some men, it is said, cut
the barrels off quite short, that they might be hidden, like the small bows and
arrows. No person’s life was perfectly safe in those days ; and a man who had
killed another was in especial dange: and needed to be on the alert. Although
tribal warfare ceased before 1858, murders and blood feuds continued for some
years afterward.
The Lower Thompsons claim that they had very few real trained warriors
among them, and considered themselves, as a whole, much inferior in warfare to
the Lytton band. Theyclaim to have been on good terms with all the surround-
ing tribes, and never sent out any war-parties. Their relations with the Coast
tribes and Lillooet were on the whole very amicable; and these tribes never at-
tacked them, and were seldom attacked by them. The upper bands of the Lower
Thompsons were different, iowever, for they occasionally sent war-expeditions
against the Lower Lillooet, and frequently against the Coast tribes. In their
raids on the latter they were often assisted by members of the Lytton band.
Their enemies seldom ventured to retaliate. It is on record that the Lillooet did
so twice by sending war-parties. One of these descended through the valley of
Salmon River, and the other by way of Skazzi Creek. In both instances they
were discovered, and beat a hasty retreat without making an attack. Once a
large party set out from the coast to have revenge for a bloody raid inflicted on
them by the Thompsons. They passed by Spuzzum without attacking the peo-
ple there, and were hospitably entertained. On reaching a few miles above
Spuzzum, they stopped, being advised by the people there that it would be
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 271
dangerous to proceed farther. Knowing the warlike and treacherous nature of
the people above, and seeing the extremely rough nature of the mountains, they
concluded to return, which they did without strixing a blow. It seems likely that
most of these wars were carried on during the last and the early part of the present
century. The Lower Thompsons were on very friendly terms with the upper
bands and the Okanagon, and, when their hunting-parties met members of the
latter tribe in the mountains, they invariably interchanged presents. The reverse,
however, was the case when they fell in with hunting-parties of Klickitat, for they
always fought one another. In 1858 some of the Lower Thompsons carried on
a desultory war for several months with the white miners. One engagement was
fought near Loston Bar, in which the Indians had eight or nine men killed. It
seems that the quarrel arose partly out of the rough manner in which some Indians
had been treated by the whites, and the killing of an Indian by a white man with-
out any apparent cause. The natives retaliat:d by murdering a number of
whites, This affair was known as the “ Fraser River War.” The lower bands
took no part in the trouble, and their noted chief, Kaupéllst, offered himself to the
whites as a hostage for the good conduct of his people.
Some men of the upper bands were also at first hostile to the whites, and
made frequent inroads upon them ; but the leading chiefs and the majority of the
people were friendly, appreciating the advantages of law and order, and the facili-
ties for obtaining food and clothing. With the steady progress of civilization the
tribe have become equally as law-abiding as the whites themselves, and even
more hospitable.
5 —yiageiamtietohoneche: Sepestapeien inne
HARLAN l. stitha, CAMES AND PASTIMES.
BAGINAW, B.S. ies
Women played a game of dice with beaver-teeth (Fig. 256), which were
tossed down on a spread blanket or skin by the player. Each tooth was marked,
on only one side, with carved lines or spots.
One, called the “ man,” was marked with
eight transverse lines, and tied around the
middle with a piece of sinew. Its mate
was marked with five transverse lines, each
having a dot in the middle. The other
two were mates, and were each marked
4 Fi&s 256 (ANS). Beaver-tooth Dice, * nat. alike with a number of triangular lines.
When the dice were thrown, if all the
blank sides or if all the faces came up, it
counted two points for the thrower; if a
triangular-marked dice came face up, and
all the others face down, fourteen points ;
if the dotted one fell face up, and the
other three face down, eight points; if
the ‘‘man” ‘arned face up, and the rest
face down, four points. If the dice fell
any other way than as indicated above,
it counted nothing, and the opposite party
took their turn to throw. If a tooth fell
on its edge, it was taken up and let fall, to
see on which side it would turn. This
game is still played by some women, but
not nearly as much as it was eight or ten
years ago.
Another game, engaged in almost alto-
gether by the men, was played with a
number of sticks. These were from four
to six inches in length, and about a
quarter of an inch in diameter, made
of mountain-maple wood, rounded and
smoothed .off. There was no definite
number of sticks in a set. Some sets ponerioc tix
° ‘ ‘ Game, _repre-
infi8; 257 (ite). Gambling-mat. Length, 31 contained only twelve sticks, while others genting a Crane.
had as many as thirty. Most of the
sticks were carved or painted, some of them with the pictures of animals or birds
of which their possessor had dreamed. Each man had his own sticks, and carried
them in a buckskin bag. Two of the sticks were marked with buckskin or sinew
[272]
~
2
pS
re
”
-_
+
Th
\
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 273
thread or with a painted ring around the middle. I do not know exactly the
points which each stick won. The players kneeled opposite each other, and each
spread out in front of him his gambling-mat (Fig. 257), which was made of deer-
skin. Each had a bundle of dry grass. The man who played first took one
of the sticks with the ring, and another one, — generally one representative of his
guardian spirit, or some other which he thought lucky, —and put them on his
mat so that the other player could see them. Then he took them to the near
end of the mat, where his knee was, and where the other man could not see them,
and rolled each stick up in dry grass until it was completely covered. Then he
placed the grass-covered sticks down on the mat again. The other man then
took his pointer (Fig. 258), and, after tapping each of the grass-covered sticks
four times with it, moved them around with his pointer four times, following the
sun’s course. Then
he separated one from
the other by pushing
it with his pointer to
the edge of the mat.
Then the other man
took up this stick, and
drawing it back, and
loosening the grass
around it, shoved it
back into the centre
of his set of sticks.
Then he took up his
sticks, and, after shak-
ing them loosely in
his hands near his ear,
Fig. 259 (4s). Set of Gambling-sticks, 4 nat. size.
threw them down on aand /, Ska’kalamux (‘man ”’) ; 6, Screw of ramrod ; c, Snake ; d, Wolf ; ¢, Otter; g, Eagle ;
4, Grisly bear ; :-«, Sticks without names ; v, One of 15 sticks without marks,
the mat, one after an-
other. After all had been thrown down, and only one trump or ringed stick was
found among them, then it was known that the other was the one left in the grass,
and therefore that the other player had left the winning stick. But if both trumps
came out when the sticks were thrown down, then it was known that he had put
aside tie winning stick and left the other, and thus lost. Afterwards the first
player had to guess his opponent's sticks in like manner. The stake was valued,
according to agreement, at so many counters, and so many counters achance. If
a man lost four times in succession, he frequently lost the stake. Each player
had his own set of sticks, his mat, and his pointer. The names of the designs
on the set represented in Fig. 259 are given in the legend of the figure. They
often accompanied this game by a song,
This game has been out of use for many years, as well as another game,
greatly in vogue at one time among the Indians, which was played altogether by
STR ary
Oe ke Gees 2
ee Bae |
#32
ee Fe SG f
ss FEF SS
274 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
men. They found it warm work, and used to strip off all their clothes except the
breech-cloth when playing. The chief implement in this game was a ring
(Fig. 260) from two inches to four inches and a half in diameter, and sewed
over with buckskin, the framework often being made of a stick bent
round, The buckskin covering was loose, and the space inside not taken
up by the stick was filled in with sand to make the ring solid and heavy.
The player set this ring rolling. Then he followed it, running, and threw
a small spear at it. The object of the game was to throw the spear in
front of the ring, and make the latter fall on it. Generally the playing-
ground was marked by two long poles, which prevented the ring from
rolling too far. Six different marks, which determined the number of
points, were sewed on the buckskin inside of the circle. In later times
these.were made with different colored beads, The number of beads
was six or four. Four were always blue or some other dark color, and
two were some light color, generally light blue, but frequently white or
red, The light beads counted ten points each. If both fell on top of
the stick, it counted twenty. . The dark beads counted five each. If two
fell on top of the stick, it counted ten; if one dark and one light,
fifteen. If the ring did not fall on top of the throwing-stick, but stood
up against it, it counted forty, which was the highest. The beads were
not then counted. Before beads were known, porct :ne-quills were used
as marks on the rings. The two light marks were in white or yellow,
and the four dark marks were black. It seems, therefore, that the colors
were not exactly fixed, further than that they
had to be light and dark.
Another game was played with the same
ring and throwing-stick, and the points were
counted as in the game just described. In
fact, this game was like that, except that in
this the players sat facing each other, and
rolled the ring from one to the other. One
man started the ring rolling, and then threw
his stick in front of it, so as to stop it, if
possible, before it reached the other man.
Sometimes one man rolled, and the other pik 27%, 4) (hes FGttp ag Ring ing, Spear for Game.
threw, in turn, instead of both men running
abreast and throwing their sticks in front of the ring, as in the other game, one
after the other. If the player missed, the other man took his turn.
Another game was generally played by boys and girls, but occasionally by
adults. It was played out of doors, but also, in cold weather, inside the winter
houses. In this a ring from six to ten inches in diameter was used. It was mi ie
of pliable sticks, around which bark or dry grass was thickly twisted. Sometimes
it was made of reeds (the same as those used in tent-mats) bent in the form of a
‘
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 275
circle, around which other reeds were twisted. The players sat in two lines, some
distance apart, facing one another. At each end of the lines sat a person who set
the ring rolling from one to the other between the two lines of players. When
the ring was in motion, the players threw darts at it, the object being to make these
darts hit the ring. If they passed through the ring without touching, it counted
nothing. The darts were about six or seven inches in length, some
thick in the middle, and small at both ends (Fig. 261), One end
was feathered, while the other end was brought to a very sharp point.
Many darts had the shaft all one thickness to near the point, where
it was forked into two sharp points. These darts had property-
marks consisting of notches, dots, circles, or paintings, to indicate
the owner, The wood used was that of the wax‘esé'lp-bush.
A peculiar custom in connection with this game was that some-
times the old people would put some of the darts which the boys
used for throwing at the ring into the fire of the winter house, the
lads not being allowed to get them except by catching the ends of
them with their teeth. Sometimes all the darts were gathered to-
gether and thrown outside. The boys were made to scramble for
them. The one that obtained the most was the victor. A boy who
was unlucky in playing, and lost all his darts, could get them back
again by putting up his back as a target, every arrow fired at it be-
coming his property. This game, like the preceding one, has now
gone out of use.
In another game a ring the size of a finger-ring was placed on
the ground about nine or ten feet away from the players. Each
player had two darts, which he threw so as to hit the centre of the Dare fag.
ring, if possible. The darts were feathered, had sharp points, and
were made ratherthin. Boys and girls, in playing these games, won or lost their
darts. They did not gamble for anything else. There were no
special months for certain games, excepting that some games were
better adapted for special seasons than others, and consequently
were played only in those seasons.
Another very common game, played principally by men, was
the “ guessing game” (known to the whites as “lehal”), Many
Spences Bridge women used to play it, and had a different song for
it from that of the men. Lower Thompson women seldom or
never played this game. The players knelt in two rows, facing one
aa another. Each side had two short bones (Fig. 262), one of which
pret lin-bones. had a sinew thread tied around the middle. The side playing passed
these bones through their hands, the opposite side having to guess
the hand of the player which held the plain bone. The side playing sang a
“lehal” song to the accompaniment of drums. They generally kept time by
beating sticks on the floor or on a board. Sometimes neither drums nor sticks
>
>
pia See |
pee nis I
ke 253.33
ai
276 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
were used, but they simply sang. Many of the players wore over their knuckles
pieces of weasel or other skin from which hung many thin strips of buckskin
(Fig. 263). Some of these skin covers
reached up to the wrist, where they were
fastened. Other players used strings set
with fawn’s hoofs around the wrists to make
a rattling noise. This game is still often
played by the young men.'
The Indians also have a game some-
what similar to cards, The cards are
rather small, and made of birch-bark
painted with dots (Fig. 264). There are
two cards of each kind in the set. Four
cards are laid down, face up. Each man
chooses two of these. The dealer then throws down the balance of the cards
in succession, Whoever chances to get his cards mated first is the winner.
The game is also played as follows: The cards are shuffled, and the first two
Fig. 264 (gi€z). Set of Birch-bark Cards.
a, Sun ; 5, Man (kokwoi) ; c, Dog (kokwoi) ; d, Fishes; ¢, Backbone of fish ; /, Roots of Lilium Columbianum Hanson ; g, Loon-necklace (?);
hk, Crossing of many trails; ¢, Crossing of trails, bridge, or the four quarters ; 7, Trails; 4, Trails, creeks, or trunks of trees (xwa‘akst),
placed on a mat, face up. Next, the man who deals gives three cards, backs
up, to the other player, and keeps the next three himself. The other man
plays first. If he has the mate of either of the two cards lying face up, he throws
it down, face up, on top of its mate, and then, taking up both together, he lays
them aside; that is, he has won a trick. But if he does not hold the mate of
either of these cards in his hand, he simply throws down one of his hand cards,
' See Note 3, at the end of this paper.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 277
face up, alongside the other two, Then the other man plays his card, either taking
or discarding, as the case may be. Thus they play in turn until their cards are
used uy. Then the man who deals gives three cards to the other man again, and
takes thr..c himself ; and thus they play until all the cards are out, The man who
is able to win a ‘“ kokwoi” gains five counters ; both “ kokwoi,” ten counters; a
“ xwa’akst,” ten counters; a “ xwaakst” and a “kokwoi,” fifteen counters ; both
“xwa'akst,” twenty counters; both ‘xwa/akst” and both “ kokwoi,” thirty
counters, If he gains the last, which is the highest, it is called ‘‘tsispikst” or
‘‘tsispelk.” The man who gets the most cards gains five counters, There are
thus four pairs of winning cards. Some have a fifth pair called “ kerastcut,” which
counts five counters each. Every article
gambled for is valued at so many counters.
The pictures are suggested by the dreams of
the owner of the pack. This game has also
nearly gone out of use.
Formerly a favorite pastime was playing
ball. The ball used was a kind of knot
found on fir-trees. This knot was nicely
rounded off, and sometimes covered with
buckskin. Other balls were of stone, or of
deerskin stuffed with vegetable material (Fig.
265). There were two ways of playing it.
One way was quite similar to that of
“rounders,” The bat used in this game was
a short straight stick about four inches wide
at one end (Fig, 266), Each side took turns in batting. Four
stones were placed about twenty yards apart, in the form of a
square. These were called “houses.” The man who held the
bat was bowled to by a man of the opposite party, who stood
about in the centre of the ring. If the batter missed the ball, his
place was immediately taken by the next man of his party. If he
struck the ball with his bat, he immediately dropped the latter,
and ran to the first house, or the second if he could manage it. The Fig, 36 (lio. Bat.
object of the opposite party was to catch the ball as quickly as
possible, and strike the man with it while he was running from one house to the
other, thereby knocking him out of the game. If the man managed to get back
to his starting-point, he was allowed another chance to bat. This game is still
frequently played by the young men.
The other game was similar to that of ‘‘ lacrosse.” There were two sides and
a goal for each, marked by stones or wooden pegs, or by long stakes half the
height of a man, or more. The ball was like that used in the other game. It
was placed in the middle of the ground, between the two goals, and the object of
either party was to drive it through the other's goal. This was done by lifting
_ Fig. 265 (g4fs). Ball. } nat.
size,
e2= 27 ~~ —- -
77> #6
fluruwss
i
aes SE I See
i NEGRI A RRIIITE SNS ES BS et
278 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
and throwing it with the toe, or by striking it with the sticks which the players
held in their hands, These sticks were about three feet long, and had a very
crooked head (Fig. 267, a), so that the players could catch the ball with them, and
throw it from them toward the goal of the enemy. Many men ran with the ball
held in the crook of the stick until stopped by an opponent, when they threw the
ball toward the intended goal. Others preferred, if they had the chance, to lift
the ball with the toe, and before it fell strike or catch it with their stick. . One
man always tried to take the ball from his opponent with his stick, When bend-
ing the end of the stick to the desired crook, bark string was used, connecting
the latter to the straight part of the stick, Some Indians played with the strings
still attached, thinking to get a better hold of the ball, but this was considered
unfair. In some games all the players used crooks with nets similar to those of
lacrosse sticks (Fig. 267, 4). Often a guard-stick was used to protect the ball from
Fig. 268 (487). Guard-stick for protecting Ball, 4 nat, size,
the players of the opposite party (Fig. 268). Any person who touched the ball
with his hands while playing went immediately out of the game. Sometimes, to
the amusement of the men, the women were persuaded to play the game. Within
the last few years this game has fallen altogether into disuse.
The Lower Thompsons had a ball game in which the ball was thrown up by
one player. The player who caught it ran with it until overtaken by another
player, who in his turn ran with it until a certain goal was reached.
A boys’ game was played as follows: A small but rather long ball of grass
was attached to the hand with a string, In the same hand was held a wooden
pin. The ball was thrown away from the hand, but pulled back again by the
string. On the way back, the hand was raised so as to catch the ball un the end
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 279
of the pin. This was done as often as possible. After the first miss, the ball had
to be handed to the next boy.
Boys threw pebbles over smooth ice, trying to hit stones or to see which
could'throw the farthest.
Another boys’ game was to take a pebble
about three inches in diameter and covered with
skin, and roll it down a hillside. Other players, £
with scoop-nets about one foot long (includ-
ing the handle), stood at the bottom, and each
tried to catch the bounding ball as it reached
him. The nets were made of a pliable stick
or wand bent over at the top so as to form a
circle, which was filled in with a netting of bark
twine. A game similar to the last was played
with a skin-covered ball,’ to which a short tog-
gle was attached (Fig. 269, a). The players
held a kind of hoop with handle (Fig. 269, 4,
c), by means of which they tried to catch the
ball by its toggle.
A shooting-game was played as follows : A
steep sandy bank Qe
was generally cho- 7 .
sen, Each player
had two arrows.
An extra arrow
was fired at the
bank by one of the
party, to remain
there as a iarget.
Each player in
turn fired his ar-
rows at this target.
The person who
struck the notched
end of the arrow-
shaft or target,
thereby splitting it in two, won the greatest number of points. The man
who shot his arrow so that it stuck into the bank alongside the arrow tar-
get, touching the latter all along the shaft, won the next highest number. A
man was stationed near the target to call out the name of the snooter and the
place where the arrows struck. The distance chosen to shoot from was according
Fig. 269, a (ah90), 4 (ah8s)s ¢ (abde). Ball and Catching-hoops. a, § nat. size; 4, c, § nat. size.
1 The stone shown in Part III, Fig. 39, may have been used for the same purpose.
oe
280 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
to the wishes of the archers, generally from forty toa hundred yards, In another
game one man shot his arrow as far as he could, the others trying to shoot as
near to it as possible. The one who shot nearest then tried to fire as far beyond
the first arrow as possible, and the game was repeated, The man that could
shoot the farthest and truest generally won, A large open space with rather soft
ground was best suited for this game.
The Indians used to gather at a bluff close to Nicola River, and about ten
or twelve miles from Spences Bridge. Here they tried to shoot their arrows over
the top of the bluff, and passers-by did the same. Only the strongest shooters
could shoot easily over the bluff. :
Shooting-games are no longer in vogue, although a few of the young men
compete at rifle-shooting once in a while,
Foot-races were frequently run, and bets made on the result. The best run-
ners travelled long distances to meet each other, Sometimes celebrated Okana-
gon, Shuswap, and Thompson runners competed with one another. The largest
bets were made on races between champions, It is said that when the Indians
were numerous, and almost all the men in constant training, there were some
excellent long and short distance runners among them. Two men of the Spences
Bridge band were said to be the fastest runners in the surrounding tribes. One
of them raced against horses and against canoes paddled downstream.
Games at jumping (high running jump and long running jump) were also
practised by young men, and bets made on the competitors, One young man
from Spences Bridge used to take a short run and jump right over a horse’s back.
After horses became common in the tribe, horse-races were frequent, bets
being made upon the horses, The Spences Bridge and Nicola bands sometimes
had riding tournaments to see who could ride wild horses the best.
Wrestling-matches were also sometimes indulged in. Neither taking hold
around the neck, nor tripping with the legs or feet, was allowed in their style of
wrestling. Sometimes a good runner or wrestler would make a bet that he would
run or throw all comers. Each man that competed with him had to put up
something equal in value to the original stake. A man would thus sometimes
run five or six men one ater another, or throw from five to eight men one after
another, until at last ie was thrown himself.
Games at tug-of-war were also played by both boys and men. An equal
number of men pulled ca each end of a rope. Bets were made on this too.
Another pastime was the lifting of heavy stones to test the strength of the
players, or the carrying of large stones to see who could carry them farthest. A
stone used for this test was near the village of Slaz. Most of the men who
passed that way tried their carrying powers, because this stone was known
all through the neighborhood.
Gambling is now carried on principally by means of cards, the common
games being monte and poker; but gambling of all kinds has greatly decreased
during the last ten years.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 281
Swimming was also a favorite amusement. Almost ull the men, women,
boys, and girls could swim, Some of them were able to swim across lakes three
or four miles wide, and across the widest rivers of the country, Their mode of
swimming was, as a rule, animal fashion, very few of them using a breast stroke.
They turned partly over on their left side, and drew the left arm underneath
them, at the same time reaching above water and forward with their right.
This was in turn drawn underneath, palms backward, the hand being held
somewhat cup shape. Then they turned on their right side, raising the left
hand as they had the right, and so on. The legs were sometimes shoved back-
wards together, but just as frequently one after the other; while some shoved
only one leg, the other foot striking the surface of the water. The men and
women always bathed in different places. During the months of July and
August, many of the Indians still indulge in gambolling in the waters of the
Thompson River.
Many children’s games were played by the smaller boys and girls. ‘“ Cat's-
cradle ” was one of these (Fig. 270). Strings were fixed on the fingers in different
ways, so as to present many forms, such as the ‘ beaver,” the ‘ deer,” the “ buck-
skin,” the ‘conical lodge,” the ‘‘ women’s house,” the “ man stealing wood,” etc.
Games of hide-and-seek were often indulged in. Slings were used by the boys
in just the same manner as among the whites. They were made of Indian-hemp
cord or of thong, with a piece of buckskin, in which the pebble was placed.
They were never used to hit or to kill, but only for throwing to as great a dis-
tance as possible. Tops or whirligigs were used. These were generally made
of a thin circular piece of wood, or more frequently a piece of yellow-pine
bark, through the centre of which was inserted a pin a fourth to half an inch
in diameter, and about five or six inches long, the circular piece of wood being
allowed to remain about the middle of the pin. The one who made his top
spin the longest won. Bull-roarers were made of a circular piece of wood, with
two holes near the centre, through which a string passed. All these games are.
occasionally played at the present day.
Tobogganing was a favorite amusement, and was indulged in by boys and
girls until full grown. At the present day little sleds are used ; but formerly flat
stones, planks, and pieces of thick birch-bark turned up in front, were used. In
very steep places fir-branches tied together at their thick ends served as toboggans.
These latter were sometimes used by men for sliding down mountain-sides when
the snow was frozen hard.
Snowballing, making snow men, rolling large snowballs, making hobby-
horses on which to run races, were all amusements of the boys and girls. The
horses were small poles, which they straddled, and dragged along underneath
them. They had miniature tails and manes made of grass; and the ends of the
poles were bent down, or carved rudely in imitation of horses’ heads. They ran
races on their pole steeds, whipping them as they went along.
Indian children made, and often do yet, figures of birds, people, canoes, etc.,
siwsrweere
S_
se
282 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
on the ground with pebbles, stones, sticks, etc. They also drew figures of men,
animals, etc., in the sand with pointed sticks.
Boys used to make figures representing swallows out of wood, and suspend
them by strings from branches of trees. Then they watched them go round with
the wind.
Fig. a7o, Game of Cat’s-cradle. (From sketches made by Harlan I. Smith.) a, 7-7, Dressing a skin; 5, 2-4, Pitching a tent.
In winter the boys used to roll up balls of grass and throw them into the
waters of swift creeks, letting them float down with the current, The other boys
stood in a row along the edge of the ice with long, sharp-pointed sticks in their
hands, and tried to. spear these balls (or fish, as they were called) as they floated
past, Still another amusement for boys was seeing who could stand longest on
his head. Seesaw was a favorite game with both boys and girls, and was just
like the seesaw of the whites.
1X.--SIGN LANGUAGE.
Gesticulation was thought by tke Thompson Indians to be indispensable to
good speaking or story-telling. Some people, while narrating an incident, accom-
panied their words with descriptive signs. Many of these gestures were also
used as signs between persons a distance apart, or when it was inadvisable to
speak or make a noise for fear of disturbing or frightening game. Signs of this
kind, therefore, were often made use of by hunters and warriors. Following are
some of them :—
1. Bear. — Both fists held in front of breast, knuckles upward, the thumbs
touching the bent forefingers ; fists pushed forward alternately in circular motions,
imitating the movements of a bear.
2. Deer. — Hands held up on both sides of head, at height cf ears; palms
forward, open.
3. Doe. — The first and second fingers of cack hand held up above each ear.
4. Bush. — Open hands placed against each other so that both thumbs and
both littie fingers touch.
5. Very dense ,; dense bushes, — Fingers of both hands interlocked, so that
finger-tips of one hand are between the fingers of the other hand.
6. Lake. — Hands held close together before breast, fingers describing a wide
circ!2 forward and back to breast.
7. Old man. — Forefinger of right hand held up, slightly bent, the other
fingers closed, indicating the bent back.
8, Rider. — First and second fingers of right hand straddling the first and
second of the left, which is held with thumb and third and little fingers closed ;
first and second extended horizontally, parallel to breast, touching each other.
9. Trap. — Both palms clapped together.
10, Spoon or cup. — All the fingers of the right hand slightly bent and placed
close together, back of hand down, palm forming a slight hollow, thumb resting
in centre of palm.
11. Drinking. — Drawing the right hand, in the position of No. 10, up
towards the mouth.
12, Noon. — Right hand closed excepting forefinger, which is extended and
held up in front of face.
13, Sunrise. — Right hand half opened, forefinger extended slightly upward,
palm towards body, then moved upward.
14. Sunset. — Forefinger pointing downward in front of breast and moved
downward.
15, Buck sighted, — Both hands placed close above the head, with the fingers
spread out, and moved two or three times up and down above the head.
16. Buck trotting. — Both hands closed except the forefinger, and one hand
moved rapidly in front of the other.
[283]
284 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
17. Deer jumping. — The two fists (held near together, the thumbs extended
and touching each other) opened and shut two or three times, the arms moving
forward in jerks at each opening.
18, Deer lying down. — The‘arm moved once from left to right, describing a
half-circle, and the hand turned at the same time from back up to back down.
19. Deer falling. — The right arm moved once from left to right, describing
a half-circle, while the left hand is broug’.t up rapidly to strike the breast.
20. Deer falling. — Both hands held a little distance apart, and moved so as
to describe a half-circle from left to right, or vce versa.
21. Doe moving slowly, looking from stde to side, — First and second fingers
of each hand held up above each ear, and at the same time the head turned from
side to side.
22. Deer on the alert, — Sign of a deer (No. 2) and motion from side to side.
23. Deer has arisen. — Standing up, or crouching down and then standing up.
24. Deer walting. — Walking a few steps up hill, down hill, ctc., according
to the direction in which the deer is walking.
25. Bear running. — Fists held in front of breast, knuc) vs 9; ard, striking
out alternately and horizontally full length of arms (see No. 1).
26. Four. — Four fingers of one hand held up, thumb closed, fingers apart
and extended.
27. Four together. — F uur fingers close together held up as in No. 26.
28. Five. — All the fingers and the thumb of one hand held up.
29. Zen. — All the fingers and both thumbs held up.
30. Zwenty.— All the fingers and both thumbs held up, then both hands
‘closed, then the fingers and thumbs extended again.
31. Half. — The forefingers of the two hands crossed, and then pulled
apart, the top finger sliding outward.
32. Divided in two or one part taken from the other.— The same sign as No.
31, but done quickly, the top finger carried out quite a distance in front, and the
other finger drawn in towards the body at the same time.
33. £ —- The breast struck with the forefinger.
34. Any part of the body.— The part meant touched with the i. 3 9 hie
fingers.
35. Zhou. — The right arm and forefinger extended, and pointed towards
person's breast.
36. Ye.— The same sign as No. 35, but hand with extended finger moved to
left side and then to right side in horizontal plane, directed towards people or a
person. Sometimes the finger was pointed slightly down.
37. Adl around, look all around, or the horizon. — The same sign as No. 36,
made with the finger pointed slightly up, and hand moved farther to left and
right respectively.
38. Ad/,— Right hand held in front of breast, pu... downward, moved
around horizontally,
TEIT, THE ‘THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 285
39. There. — The right arm raised to a level with the top of iie head, then
extended forward to nearly full length ; hand closed excepting forefinger, ex-
tended upwards, slightly bent, and then dropped so that it is parallel to the arm,
but the bent finger pointing slightly down.
4o. Here, — Hand and finger in the same position as in No. 39, but moved
sharply downwards to left side of body, or sometimes moved down in front of
body.
41. Attention or stop / — Hand raised, open palm forward, then shaken.
42. Stop / — Hand raised, open palm forward, hand pushed forward.
43. Adtention / (from a long distance.) — Hands raised high above the head,
then moved from side to side, or more often to and fro from each other.
44. Quick. — Right arm pushed upward and forward, slightly to the right, at
the same time left fist striking the breast.
45. Good-by, or you rematn, we go (from a distance). — The right arm moved
forwards to the right, and describing a half-circle downwards, with the back of
the hand outwards.
46. Good-by, or you remain (from near by). —Right arm ‘ent at the side,
elbow extending outwards, the palm held forwards, then the whole arm and
hand several times moved slowly outwards, and hand out and downwards.
47. Don't come. — Both hands held out in front of the body or face, palms
forward.
48. Don't, — Right hand raised, palm forward, then shaken near right
shoulder.
49. Lok, — Right arm and forefinger extended outwards.
50. No, or J will not. — One or both hands raised, open palm forward, then
shaken, and at the same time the head shaken from side to side.
51. J will not. — Same sign as No. 50, and immediately afterward the head
dropped, and turned to the left side.
52. Will not listen. — Head dropped and turned to the side, and fingers
shaken close to each ear.
53. 1 do not understand, — Palms clapped on ears, then hands taken off and
shaken.
54. Running. — Elbows close to bady, forearms held horizontally, hands
closed, elbows moving out and in from the body.
55. Shooting. — Left arm extended, with hand as if holding a bow, and with
tight hand held at left upper arm or shoulder as if holding the end of an arrow.
56. Shooting a gun. — The same sign as No. 55, but with one eye closed.
57. Fired or shot, — Same sign as No. 55, but with the right hand opened so
that the fingers are apart, and extended, the hand not otherwise moved.
58. Four shots or, arrows fired, — Same sign as No. 57, but the hand opened *
and shut four times.
59. Attack or onset. — Palms brought together suddenly so as to make a
sharp noise,
ng 9 98 SE
286 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
60. Following or one following behind the other. — One hand held in front of
the other, the forefinger of each extended, both hands being moved with short
jerks backwards and forwards, but gradually forwards or away from the body.
61. Racing. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in front of body,
with forefingers extended outward and slightly upwards, parallel to each other
and not far apart, and the fingers moved alternately out past each other.
62. Yes. — Nodding the head.
63. Sleep or retired to sleep. — The right hand somewhat bent and placed
near the right cheek, palm inwards, at the same time head bent in that direction.
64. Pulling. — Each hand partly closed, and then put quickly one in front of
the other.
65. Falling backwards or upsetting. — Both arms thrown suddenly upwards
ano | cl-vards, with palms backwards,
alling forwards. — Both arms suddenly extended forwards, with fingers
straigint .od palms down, and at the same time arms moved downwards,
67. Unzon, or married, or married couple, — Tue forefingers brought together
from quite a distance apart, and kept together for some time so that they touch
each other along their entire length, thumbs down ; also first and second fingers
of one hand placed together horizontally in front of the body.
68. Walking together. — Same as preceding, with a forward motion.
69. Standing together. — First and second fingers of one hand placed together
vertically,
70. Separation. — The two forefingers brought together in the same manner
as in No. 67 on a horizontal plane, and then suddenly parted, both fingers
describing circles in opposite directions.
71. Met or meeting. — The forefingers bent and tips brought together, the
closed thumbs also touching each other underneath.
72, Lying down. — The left arm held outward to the left side and horizontal
with the breast, palm upwards and fingers relaxed, the right hand held down-
wards, fingers slightly downwards, and arm held near to the body but hand
towards the left hand, at the same time the head bent slightly to the left side.
73. Wrestling » fighting. — Hands with palms fiat together moved slowly
upwards and downwards above and below the | cad, and from side to side, first
the back of one hand being down, then the back of the other.
74. Cross tratls or crossed over. — One forefinger crossed at right angles over
the other,
75. Come out, — The forefinger of the right hand extended (rest of the hand
closed), and the hand moved down in front of the body, then suddenly outwards
and upwards.
76. Appearing. -- The same sign as No. 75 except that the hand is carried
upward to front of face and held there for a second wih the forefinger upward.
77. Sudden appearance. — The same sign as No. 76, but done very juickly.
78. Growing. — Right hand held in front of the body, back downward, fingers
es
Yess
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 287
apart and extended upwards, the hand at the same time faised some distance
upwards somewhat slowly.
79. The same, alike. — Both hands closed and held a little distance in frout
of body, with forefingers extended, and outward, and sometimes slightly up-
wards, parallel to each other and not far apart.
80. The same people. — The same sign as No. 79, but with the fingers held
perpendicularly.
81. Very small.—One hand nearly closed, and the extreme tips of the
forefinger and thumb pressed against each other.
82. Good.— The palms held opposite each other (thumbs up) and near
together, and about opposite and a little in front of the middle of the body.
83. Bad. — The palms brought opposite each other and near together a little
in front of the body, then turned down and the hands moved apart quickly to
their respective sides in a horizontal plane.
84. Cold. — Both arms crossed in front of the chest, hands clinched, and arms
made to tremble.
85. Nothing, or no.— Both hands lifted together to the front of breast, then
suddenly thrown out to their respective sides.
86. Good will or blessing.— Both arms extended above the level of the
head, and moved forward, then gradually together downwards to a level with
the legs, palms at first outwards, or towards the person, then downwards.
87. Good will or respect. — Shaking hands with a person.
Cries or sounds of different kinds were also used as signs or signals. To
shout once generally meant ‘“‘ Where are you?” If answered, to shout once
again meant “Come nearer.” To shout twice in quick succession meant ‘‘ Come
here,” or ‘Come together ;” three times in the same way, ‘Come quickly.” To
shout once at length, and to follow it by two short halloos, meant generally that
a deer was slain, and help was wanted to butcher it. To cry like an owl when
the hunters were all out of sight of one another, at different points, and each had
to walk a given beat, meant ‘‘ Proceed.” The cry was passed from one to
another, so that the hunters knew each man was in his place.
In hunting in the high mountains, in those places which were thought to be
the haunts of spirits, a different call was used, because, if the ordinary call were
used, the spirits, it was said, imitated it, and might call one of the hunters
to him.
Signals were generally left at camp-fires or on trails, as notices to parties who
were to pass that way. For instance, four small wands were stuck in the
ground to denote that four persons had left that camp. These were placed
slanting in the direction in which the people had gone. If one stick was piaced
behind the other, and all slanted in the same way, it meant that they had all
gone in the same direction. A longer stick, placed at the side of the others,
pointed to where the sun was-when the party left. Fresh leaves were placed
a 3
[es
Sg ee as &
288 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
near the sticks to enable the next party to tell about how many days previously
they had left. If bones or hairs of any animals were placed near or tied to the
stick, it indicated how many of these animals had been killed or captured, accord-
ing to the number of the hairs or bones. Hairs from a horse's tail, according to
their number, told how many horses the party had. Horse’s hairs and deer’s
hairs tied together, one of each, told how many horses were packing meat. A
stick placed apart and upright, with a root or fish-bone tied to it, meant that the
party were unsuccessful in hunting, and were living principally on roots or fish.
A stick with notches cut in it, placed upright, told how many days the party had
been camped there. Sticks with black stripes painted across them told how many
of the enemy a war-party had killed. Fires lighted on tops of hills or at any
appointed or recognized place were intended as signals of something that had
happened, or to signify that an enemy had been sighted. Branches of trees were
also broken and left hanging along the way a party had gone, to give notice to
other parties following the same trail.
X.— SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND FESTIVALS.
SoctaL Orcanization.— The Thompson Indians had neither hereditary
chiefs nor a recognized nobility. The rank of each person was determined by his
wealth and his personal qualities, Their “chiefs” were therefore men of the
tribe noted for wealth, wisdom, oratorical powers, or prowess in war.
A war-party, for better management, had a war-chief, who was the one con-
sidered by his companions best qualified to act as a leader. As the Indian is
naturally fond of power and honor, he seldom refused the offer. The chief
rarely decided a question without asking the opinion of his fellow-warriors. In
hunting-parties, the most efficient man took the lead and directed the others, at
their request, but subject to their approval. In religious ceremonies, a capable
man who was looked upon as taking the most prominent part was called the
“chief” of the ceremonies and dances. Orators possessed great influence and
power, often swaying the mass of the people as they chose. . Most of these are
said to have favored peace and harmony. When at the same time wise and
wealthy, they exerted a very great influence over the people, who willingly obeyed
them. Some of them were looked upon as the chief men of certain large districts,
the people negotiating through them with strangers; yet they seldom or never
acted in matters of public interest without obtaining the consent of all their
people.
Wealthy persons also held prominent positions in the tribe. The more liber-
ally they gave of their riches, the more highly were they thought of : hence public
feasts and presents were frequently given. They made a point of treating
strangers well, that they might become known among the people of other tribes.
Under these conditions the title of “chief” could not be hereditary ; but
the fact that a man was the son of a chief gained him a certain amount of popu-
larity. If, however, he failed to possess or attain the necessary qualifications, he
was not called “ chief,” nor would he be considered in any way different from the
mass of the people. Nevertheless chieftaincy has descended in some instances,
particularly among the Lower Thompsons, from father to son for several genera-
tions. There were no female cliiefs, No particular costumes or ornaments were
worn by the chief.
It has been mentioned before that the influential men always consulted with
the men of the tribe, but there were no formal councils. Whenever a man had
an undertaking in view that concerned the band, he invited the men of the village
to discuss it. At these councils such subjects as the organizing of war-expedi-
tions, marriages, or other matters of public interest, were discussed, each man
having a voice in the matter. Generally the advice of the oldest or the most
experienced was taken. If the advice or the help of some leading man noted for
his wisdom, who lived at some distance, were desired, a messenger was sent to
him. The man who had called the meeting, and his immediate friends, were
[289]
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290 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
expected to furnish food for the people assembled. If a war-council decided for
war, a war-chief was elected, who sent an active young man through the country
to invite the warriors to join the party. They generally accompanied the herald
upon his return to the meeting-place or to the home of the war-chief who had sent
him. It was considered a mark of distinction for a young man to be chosen for
this purpose. He dressed in his war dress and paint, and generally went first to
the house of the recognized chief of the district. Women had no voice in these
councils, nor in any other matters of importance.
Captives made in war became slaves. When a captive woman bore children
to her master, she was considered one of the tribe, and neither she nor her chil-
dren were ever afterward called slaves, at least openly. Some captive children
were treated well, and were even adopted into the family of their master, but
other slaves were often treated cruelly.
It appears from these remarks that the whole organization of the tribe was
exceedingly loose. Neither the band nor the village community formed a perma-
nent social unit ; but it was the duty of members of the tribe to avenge the death
of those of its members whose blood relations were unable todo so. There were
no totems, except at Spuzzum, where two families who were descendants of mem-
bers of the Coast tribes claimed the totems of their ancestors. They used certain
masks and carvings on grave-boxes, and owned traditions and songs relating to
the acquisition of the totem by the ancestor of the clan. The names of these two
clans were Tsatsa’kwe, which originated at Yale, and Wau’as, which originated at
Hope. The right to the privileges of the clan descended in both male and female
line, but the person marrying a member of these clans did not acquire their
privileges.
Blood relationship was considered a tie which extended over generations,
both in the male and female line. The relatives of a person killed by a mem-
ber of some other tribe had to avenge his death by a war-expedition against
the offending tribe. If they failed to do so, they were called “women.” Time
was of no account in this vendetta; and old scores were sometimes paid off after
the lapse of ten or twenty years, or even after the death of the originators of
the feud.
This idea of the unity of the family is most strongly brought out in the
hereditary names of the Indians. Each family had certain names, and no one but
members of the family were permitted to use them. Thus the same names in
different dialectic forms are found among the Shuswap, Okanagon, and Upper
and Lower Thompsons. These names can always be traced to a common ancestor
of the persons bearing them. They do not seem, however, to have been the
property of families for a long time, new names being often invented. It is not
known whether there are any other customs based on the idea of the unity of all
the descendants of a remote ancestor.
Children receive a name some time after they are able to walk easily. A few
children, however,-are named while yet in the cradle. A child could be named
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 29!
from either its father’s or mother’s ancestors or people. The most honorable
and satisfactory method of giving a name is that of calling the neighboring peo-
ple together, giving a feast, and proclaiming before them the name by which
the child is to be known, This was also the custom when grown-up people
changed their names, although it is not much in vogue now. The name generally
chosen is that of some deceased relative, such as father, brother, uncle, etc., in the
case of males. Through this custom some Indians have been known by four or
five different names during their lifetime. The name of adeceased relative is not
taken until at least a year or more after his death; and it is a matter of pure
choice, among a group of relations, who shall take the name of the deceased
relative, or whether it shall be taken at all. However, the nearest of kin gener-
ally takes it, and the older takes precedence of the younger. No two persons in
the same tribal division bear the same name. Even in the whole tribe there are
few persons bearing the same name.
New names are being invented all the time, and these are often transmitted
to children and grandchildren. Such names are nicknames, like ‘ Struck-on-the-
iad,” the name of a man who when a boy had been struck over the head by a
warrior ; ‘“ Shot-back,” a man who had been shot in his back by an arrow;
“ Hairy-face,” a man who had heavy whiskers. Other names were taken from sig-
nificant dreams that a person had had. ‘“ Lakes-similar-to-each-other,” ‘‘ Reached-
the-top,” ‘‘ Able-to-make-a-blaze,” are names of thiskind. The names used by men
and those used by women are distinct. The majority of names of men of the Upper
Thompsons end with the nominal suffixes -éskit (“day”), -qain (“head”), -élst
(‘‘stone”). Such names were, for instance, “ Bright-day,” “ Knife-day,” which latter
was taken by a man who had the knife for his guardian spirit ; ‘‘ Grisly-bear-day,” a
war-chief whose guardian spirit was the grisly bear. The last two names originated
three generations ago, and Lave since been used by the descendants of their bearers.
Others are “ Arrow-day,” ‘“ Straight-day,” ‘“ Slow-moving-cloud-day,” ‘“ Young-
man-day,” “ Wet-day,” “ Sleepy-day.” Compounded with the suffix ‘‘ head” are
such names as ‘‘ Evening-head,” “ Many-heads,” ‘ Flying-head,” “ Little-head,”
“ Coyote-head,” and “ Head.” Compounded with “stone” are such names as
“Running-stone,” “ Iron-stone,” “ Dance-stone,” “ Flame-stone,” “ Walking-stone,”
“ Arrow-stone.” Most of the women’s names end with the suffixes -ko (“ water”)
and -inek (“bow”): as ‘“ Returning-water,” ‘‘ Dried-up-water,” ‘“ High-water,”
“Twin-waters,” ‘“ Walk-in-the-water,” ‘ Dance-in-the-water,” ‘“ One-bow,” “ Big-
bow,” “ Revolving-bow,” “ Red-bow,” “ Standing-bows,” “ In-view-bow.” Names
of both men and women end in -itsa (“ skin” or ‘“ robe”), as ‘‘ White-skin,”
“ Veratrum-Californicum-Durand-Robe,” “ Stabbed-skin.” Some men have
names taken from objects in nature, mostly those of their guardian spirits. Such
are “Sun,” “Sky,” “Sunset,” “ Stars,” ‘‘Moon,” ‘“ Mountain-range.” Names
taken from animals are less frequent among the Upper Thompsons, while they
are common among the Lower Thompsons, as “‘ Goat-sucker,” “ Buffalo,” “‘ Black-
bear,” “ Weasel,” “ Dog,” ‘“ Humming-bird.” The Lower Thompsons also take
Se
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292 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
names of plants: “ Yellow-lily,” ‘‘ Nuts,” “ Mushroom,” ‘ Soapbe: vy,” “ Bramble-
berry,” “ Choke-cherry.” It is said that some of these are also nicknames, For
instance, the name Oo’za originated about three or four generations ago among
the Spences Bridge band. A chief who had lost one eye was eating roots of the
lavender lily (makgo'za), which are round and about the size of a human eye.
He said: “I ought to take the name of the root. I have one eye, like a laven-
der-lily root.” So he took the name of Oo’za, a shortened form of makgE6’za.
Wornen also have names taken from animals and plants, or from certain attributes
of men, animals, or inanimate objects, as “ Female-mountain-sheep,” ‘ Owl,”
“ Dark-clothing,” “ Falling-at-intervals,” “Shallow,” ‘“ Dumb.”
Most of the names are pronounced differently from the ordinary word that
has the same meaning as the name. They are either contracted or amplified.
As the Indian names are hard for the white people to pronounce, and Indians will
not or can not translate them, those working for white people, or who are well
known to them, either adopt white men’s names, or are given names by which
they are known to whites, These names are often given in joke, the Indians not
understanding their meaning; but oftener they are familiar English or French
names, such as “Jimmy,” “ Billy,” “ George,” “ Louis,” etc. Those Indians who
belong to the Roman Catholic or English churches have also baptismal names.
The former obtain French names, and the latter English. A few Indians are
known to the whites under corrupted forms of their Indian names, while others
are named after the places they live in.
Dogs were generally named from some peculiarity in their markings or color ;
but some were called after animals and birds noted for swiftness, ferocity, or hunt-
ing capabilities, or which they were thought to resemble. Here are a few
examples: ‘ Wolf-face,” ‘“ Chicken-hawk,” “ Hlawk-eye,” “ Little-grisly.” Horses
were named in the same way as dogs, but more often they were given names like
people. In the names for both horses and dogs, -é'lst is used for males, and
-I’nék for females. The following are examples of names for horses: ‘ To-tell-a-
lie,” “ White-feet,” ‘‘ Bark-of-tree,” “ Bay-color,” ‘ Bridle,” “ Far-foot.” At the
present day some Indian horses and dogs have been given English names similar
to those obtaining among the whites, as “ Tiger,” “ Bull,” etc., for dogs, and
“ Charley,” “ Nelly,” ‘‘ Pete,” etc., for horses.
In domestic affairs each male member of age had a right to express his
opinion or give his advice, although in most cases the father’s or eldest son’s ad-
vice was taken. The father and eldest son seem to have been looked upon as the
highest authorities, although custom required that they should not do anything
of importance to the family without first consulting its other male members.
From the detailed descriptions of marriage customs, which will be found in
the next chapter, it will be seen that on the whole the wife followed the husband
to live with his family, although a curious compromise has developed which com-
pels the young couple to return temporarily to the woman’s relatives. Levirate
prevailed. It will also be described in the next chapter. The property of a
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 293
father, on his death, was divided among his sons, the daughters also sometimes
getting a share. Property was also often divided among all the relatives of age,
male and female, cousins included; the nearest kin receiving the largest shares,
and males taking precedence of females, In some cases it was taken by the
nearest male relatives of the deceased, to the exclusion of all others, The sons
inheriting the property of their father had to provide for their mother, and a
greater share of the property of a father who left an orphan child was given to the
relative who was to take charge of the child. A woman's effects were looked
upon as distinct from her husband's. If a couple separated, the wife took all her
property with her, even the roots and berries she had gathered, A man and his
wife often made gifts of their individual property to each other, and the father or
the mother often made presents of their property to their several children. None
of these presents were returnable in the event of death or separation, but remained
the inviolable property of the person to whom they had been given.
Land was looked upon as neither individual nor family property, since every
one had a right to all parts of the common country for any purpose. There were
no particular hunting-grounds peculiar to, or the sole property of, certain families
or bands. Of course each band had their usual hunting-places, naturally those
parts of the country nearest to their respective homes; but Indians from other
villages, or other divisions of the tribe, frequently hunted in each other’s hunt-
ing-grounds without being considered intruders; and sometimes hunting-parties
representing two or three tribal divisions would hunt over the summer hunting-
grounds of another division without rousing any feelings of resentment. The fol-
lowing is an instance: Formerly, about the end of each April, a large number of
members of the Lytton band, sometimes upward of two hundred, crossed the
mountains by way of Thompson Siding, and went down into the Upper Nicola
Valley, where they hunted elk, and fished trout, often going as far as Douglas and
Fish Lakes, returning home when the service-berries were ripening around Lytton,
and when it was time to repair to the root-digging grounds at Botani, Other
smaller bands used to go up about April, and lived with the Spences Bridge
band, fishing with tlem at their spring-fishing place near Spences Bridge, or going
with them to their lakes, where they fished trout. These parties also returned to
Lytton about the same time as the Nicola party.
The hunting-territory seems to have been considered the common property
of the whole tribe. Among the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands any member
of the Shuswap or Okanagon tribes who was related to them by blood was allowed
full access to their hunting-grounds, the same as one of themselves ; but members
of one division of the tribe were not allowed to build deer-fences in the territory
of another division. If, however, a person who was not related to a Thompson
Indian were caught hunting, trapping, or gathering bark or roots, within the
recognized limits of the tribal territory, he was liable to forfeit his life. The
only exceptions to the above rule were salmon-fishing stations, and places in the
mountains where fences were erected for catching deer. These places, but only
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294 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
for fishing and trapping purposes, were looked upon as the property of the indi-
vidual who built the station or maintained the fence. The erection of another
fence in the same pass, in proximity to the first, would materially affect the
chances of capturing deer by it. Eyries of the golden eagle were also owned by
individuals or families,
The berrying and root-digging grounds were also common property. Among
the Upper Thompsons an old woman, chosen by the others or acting voluntarily,
watched the larger and more important berry-patches, to see that no one picked
the berries until they were ripe. When they were fit to pick, she sent word to the
other women ; and whoever wished picked the berries until the season was over.
This custom has gone out of use. Women of one village could pick in the berry-
patches of another as long as they did so at the proper season.
Botani Valley, situated in the mountains, some ten miles from Spences
Bridge, and about fifteen miles from Lytton, has been from time immemorial a
gatheying-place for the upper divisions of the tribe, chiefly for root-digging during
the months of Mayand June. Sometimes over a thousand Indians, representing
all the divisions of the tribe, would gather there. The Lower Thompsons even
permitted the Coast Indians to gather berries on their territory. Each division
had, besides, its separate and recognized camping-ground.
Deer-fences, fishing-stations, and eagle’s eyries were inhe ‘ted.by all the male
children, the eldest having the right of dividing, and taking hoice. If he was
a hunter, he generally took the deer-fence, leaving the fish .tion to his next
or some other brother who might be a fisherman, and vice versa. Sometimes
these places were used by all the sons in common, until some of them died, the
survivor claiming all, and his sons inheriting from him. If a man died without
sons, the nearest male relatives took his hunting-places, If the deceased had no
near male relatives, his daughters and sons-in-law inherited the property. If a
widow had children, she inherited the lodge of her deceased husband, and it be-
longed to her and her children. The widow or female children inherited all the
kettles, baskets, cooking utensils, and some of the blankets or robes. Males
always inherited canoes and all fishing, hunting, and trapping utensils, Those dogs
of the deceased that were not killed became the property of the male children.
The horses were divided among all the children, both male and female; the
former, however, taking twice as many as the latter, or at least having the first
choice. Daughters were supposed by some to inherit a deceased father’s horses
in preference to all male relatives, excepting their brothers.
A number of regulations determined the distribution of game killed by hunt-
ing-parties, The brisket and the skin were considered the share of: the man who
shot the deer, while the rest of the animal was equally divided among the other
hunters, as was also the fat from the intestines. If a strange hunter, not one of
the party, arrived on the scene when Indians were butchering a deer, he was ac-
corded some share of the meat. Among the upper portion of the tribe, large
game of all kinds was invariably divided among the members of hunting-parties.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 295
A man belonging to a certain village, who shot several deer while hunting
alone, distributed part of his spoils among his friends, not only because it was the
recognized custom, but to show his liberality and regard for his friends, and that
he might be treated likewise.
The Spences Bridge hunter brought the game to his own house, and gener-
ally went around and distributed the meat himself. Among the Nicola band the
hunter brought the deer within a short distance of the village. Then he would
say to people who were poor, or indifferent hunters or fishermen, “I left some
meat in the mountains for you;” or, “I left some sinew in the mountains,
which you may look for ;” or, “I left one or two skins in the mountains. Go and
look for them.” He would then describe the place where he left the meat, and
they would go and get it. By so doing he would be applauded for his hunting
qualities and for his liberality.
Among the Lower Thompsons, when a hunting-party was ready to return
home, the hunting-chief took all the fat, meat, and skins, and divided them almost
equally among the party. The best hunters were allowed a skin or two, or a lit-
tle more fat than the others. When a man hunted alone, and was lucky enough
to kill a number of animals, or more than he could carry, he took only a little of
the meat home. Then he invited as many friends as he wished to help him carry
home the meat, and they skinned and cut up the animals. When they had
finished, the hunter divided all equally among them, giving any person such por-
tions as he desired, so long as it was not unfair to the others. If a man who was
hunting alone killed one deer or goat, and carried all of it home himself, no per-
son had a right to claim any of the meat, although he generally gave portions to
his friends and neighbors, so that he might be treated in like manner by them, in
the event of their shooting game. Skins and meat of animals which a man
trapped belonged entirely to himself.
The division of labor has been incidentally mentioned on p, 182. The In-
dians consider hunting the most honorable occupation, and among the Upper
Thompsons hunters looked with pity, not unmixed with scorn, on fishermen.
Lads who had shown themselves skilful in hunting were called “ grown,” in the
sense that they had attained manhood ; whereas others, although adults, were not
called “ grown up” unless they had so distinguished themselves in hunting or war.
It was considered the man’s duty to hunt, to trap, to fish, to snare, to fight,
to make all the tools and weapons, to fell trees, to instruct and advise his children,
especially his sons, to help look after the horses, to look after the hunting-dogs,
to be energetic, to protect his wife, and to beat her if she were lazy, or admonish
her, etc.
Married women had to do almost all the work of the house. Some men,
however, helped their wives in the tanning of buckskin, putting-up of lodges, etc.,
and often manufactured articles for them, such as root-diggers, etc. It was con-
sidered the woman’s duty to gather and carry all firewood ; erect the lodges, keep
them clean inside, and light the fire; gather and carry brush for beds, etc. ; make
296 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
all kinds of mats, baskets, sacks, and bags, as well as all clothing, including
moccasins ; wash and cook; diy and cure or cook roots, and gather and cure ber-
ries ; help to clean and dry fish, to carry meat or game shot, and to look after the
horses ; dress all skins for clothing, etc. ; fetch water; look after and nurse the
children ; and educate her daughters to be diligent in their work, and faithful and
obedient to their husbands; etc.
Nowadays chiefs are elected by a vote of the people, no doubt influenced by
the priest or the Indian agent, and remain as such so long as they acquit them-
selves honorably, or the people are pleased with them. These chiefs look after
the ecclesiastical affairs of the band, and are the preachers and spokesmen of the
tribe. They also take charge of all matters connected with the reserves, and
settle in council all petty disputes and minor affairs among the Indians,
Festivats, -- The Indians have always been fond of gathering for feasting
and talking, as they are at the present day. Feasts of all kinds took place in
the winter, when the Indigns were in their winter houses, Many feasts were
simply social gatherings, where one family who had a iarge supply of food
invited the neighboring families to partake of their abundance and spend a
day or so in feasting and conversation. This kind of feast showed the good
will and liberality of the donor.
Another feast of the Upper Thompsons was that where a family or group of
families decided to visit a friend in either the same or a near-by village. Gener-
ally a woman, but sometimes a lad, was sent ahead to announce the intended visit.
This niessenger would rush suddenly into the house of the friend, and, after shout-
ing ‘“‘ Ntcixa’nk!” would as suddenly disappear. Sometimes the messenger wore
two suits of clothes; one suit, which was removed on entering to deliver the
message, being intended as a present to the friend. The latter then made ready
for their reception. His neighbors and iviends assisted him by contributing food
for the prospective feast. The principal food prepared was a dish composed of
roots, berries, moss, etc., to which deer-fat was added, many kettlefuls of which
were cooked. Besides this, there were venison, fish, roots, and berries. On their
arrival, the guests were treated to the various dishes, and their s..y lasted for
from two to three days. The night before their departure they gave presents to
those who had assisted their host in preparing the feast. The person giving the
presents danced and made a short speech with each gift. “There was no exchange
of presents between the guests and the host, nor were the former obliged to give
a return feast at a later date.
Another custom of the Upper Thompsons was the following : A man who
wanted to ake a social visit to the house of another went to the latter's winter
house, and let down through the top or hole, by means of a rope, a bundle of
food. While doing so, he said in a loud voice, ‘1 am letting down.” He was
then invited to enter, and was feasted on a smail scale. The present of food
which he brought with him was given to his host in lieu of the food which he ate.
This custom, as well as the preceding one, has become obsolete within the last
ee |
—
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 297
few years. The two last-mentioned customs did not prevail among the Lower
Thompsons.
Another social custom was as follows: A kettle bedecked with feathers and
strings, and with a lighted slow-match of cedar-bark attached to it, was filled with
food. With this, and several bundles of clothes, skins, and food, three or four
men repaired to a friend’s winter house just about bedtime. Lowering the kettle
with the attached burning slow-match by means of a long string, they swung it vio-
lently around inside of the house. At the same time they began to sing. As soon
as the people within tried to catch the kettle, those outside drew it up, and con-
tinued lowering it, swinging it, and pulling it up, until it was at last caught by the
people inside. Then those outside threw in the bundles of food, clothes, etc., and
those inside scrambled forthem, Afterward the people of the house visited those
who had given the presents, and treated them similarly. Formerly a stone was
used instead of the kettle. It was painted with bright colors, or sometimes only
with red, and decorated with feathers, strings, and slow-match of cedar, which,
when lighted and swung around, looked like a fiery ball.
About fifty years ago or more, according to the Indians, the giving of ‘ pot-
latches,” a custom previously unknown to them, came into vogue among the
Upper Thompsons, while the Lower Thompsons had adopted the custom even
earlier than that. A chief, so called on account of his wealth, gathereu a large
number of people at his house, and, after feasting them on horse-flesh, distributed
numerous presents among them, thereby gaining a great name for liberality and
wealth, Cixpé'ntlem, a chief who died about eight years ago, was famous for
often giving this kind of potlatch. It is said that he was able to give one every
two or three years on a very large scale, and that either he or his father was the
originator of the custom. The giver of the presents distributed at these pot-
latches neither received nor expected any return presents. Before the custom of
the potlatch was known, only a man who was possessed of much wealth gave
feasts to his friends, keeping an open house, while two or three of his wives were
employed most of the time in cooking. If a stranger came along, he was invited
in, and on departing was given some small present, thereby spreading the fame of
his entertainer,
The potlatch as described was succeeded about thirty years ago by the pot-
latch of the present day, which, among the Thompsons, is a small and local affair
compared to that of the Coast tribes; in fact, I doubt if there is much similarity
between them, he Indians state that the custom was at its height about ten or
fifteen years age, since which time it has been on the wane; nevertheless, seldom
does an autumn or winter pass without some man or woman of the tribe giving a
potlatch. Any one can give a potlatch who is possessed of sufficient wealth to do
so, The potlatches of the present day are mostly given by one individual to
another of the same tribe, to one who is considered wealthy, and likely to give a
return potlatch at some future day. Sometimes, however, they are given toa mem-
ber of anothertribe. This kind of feast is perhaps best described by an illustration.
os Ted
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mee
298 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INOTANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
We will suppose that O. has determined to give a potlatch to S. O.sends a
messenger to S, to announce his intention. The messenger, mounted on a horse
with good saddle and bridle, and with some tobacco rolled up in a new pair of
blankets tied to the saddle, arrives at the home of S. and delivers his messaye,
adding : ‘‘ These presents are from O. to you as a surety of the truth of my mes-
sage, and he awaits your coming in a few days, The tobacco is for your friends
to smoke.” He then delivers the horse and all the articles attached to it to S.
The messenger often wears two suits of clothes. In such case, he divests himself
of the outer one, and presents it to S. as a gift from his master; but sometimes it
is the custom for the young men to attack him, and take the clothes off without
ceremony. S. then invites his friends to accompany him. Each of them gives
him presents of more or less value. Then he mounts his host’s messenger on
another horse, attaching an exact equivalent of the articles received, and gives
him another suit to put on over his ordinary clothes. This is a return pres-
ent to his master. S. and the rest start on horseback for O.’s house. They
take with them two or three pack-horses loaded with presents, and other horses,
also intended as presents. On the morning of the day on which the guests are to
arrive at O.’s house, the messenger leaves them, and hurries to his master to tell
him that the guests will arrive that afternoon. At the same time he delivers the
return present of the horse with the attached articles, saying, ‘‘ These are surety
of S.’s speedy arrival.” Young men and women are then sent out to meet the
guests, and to treat them to refreshments or a meal on the road, which they are
supposed to need after their journey. In the afternoon the guests appear.
Drawing up in line some distance off, they beat their drum to give notice of their
arrival, and commence to sing. A man, called the “speaker.” is then sent out to
invite them to take possession of the long, half-open lodge (see p. 196) which has
been prepared for their accommodation. There they are met and welcomed by
their host, or the host’s speaker, who makes a speech to his chief guest, S. This
compliment is returnea by the latter making many flattering remarks to his host.
Supper is then spread for the guests on rows of large table-mats, around which
fifty or more individuals squat at a time. After the meal is over, O. and his
friends also partake of supper. Huge log.:res are then lighted between the long
lodge of the guests and that occupied by the host and his friends. A present of
tobacco is then made by O. to his guests for them to smoke, after which S.’s
speaker gives away the presents which S. has received from his friends. With
each present he makes an oration, and occasionally causes much laughter by
alluding to the article in a jocular style ; or, holding it up before all the people,
he says, “ This is from S. to O., because he has seen him.” The host’s speaker
repeats his words, and then the article is handed over. These presents, though
nominally given to O., are really intended for O.’s friends who have given him
presents. Between the giving of presents, the donating party generally extem-
porize a song, accompanying it with the beating of drums and dancing. Some-
times the principal of the donating party dances to the accompaniment of drum
TEIT, TP®= THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 299
and song. Any person of the opposite side who praises the dancer is entitled to
a present. The chief or best singers sit in a circle round the drummer or leader
of the songs.
The next night O. gives presents in the same manner. The first of these
are given to S,’s friends, and are about equal in value to those received by O.’s
friends the night before. In this way the friends of each party are requited for
the presents which they have given to their respective leaders. The principal
presents are then given to S. by O., which ends the potlatch. These latter pres-
ents are generally repaid the next year, when S, invites O. and his friends to a
return potlatch, Ou the morrow the remaining food is divided among all present,
as are also the cups, plates, knives, spoons, mats, etc., which were used during
the feast. The articl2s principally interchanged as presents are horses and _ blan-
kets, money, guns, clothes, and food.
The drums used at these and other ceremonies of which dancing or singing
forms part are similar to the tambourine, but larger, and are covered with fawn-
skin. They are frequently painted red, in patterns (Fig. 315, @), with deer-hoofs
attached round the sides er in a bunch underneath, to make a rattling noise.
They are beaten by the hand or a short stick. The drumsticks often have a
padded end, the handle being ornamented with feathers (Fig. 315, 4). Many of
the singers keep time by beating one stick against another, or on the ground, or
on a piece of board. At such feasts it was formerly considered necessa -y for the
host, in order to preserve his good name, to supply the company wit. tresh meat.
Accordingly large numbers of horses were killed and eaten. Within the last
twelve years, however, cattle have been slaughtered instead, or a party of hunters
have gone into the mountains beforehand to obtain venison for the company.
Sometimes a man would offer a present to the person who sang the best song.
He himself renerally the judge; but sometimes it was decided by vote of the
people assem) Both men and women competed. Some accompanied their
singing with a dru: Nowadays the present is generally five dollars in cash,
Any kind of song may ung, and in any language.
Another custom which still obtains, » that of one individual giving presents
to another, either as a mark of good will or as a sign of recognition. This is
particularly the case between friends or bloo! lations living at some distance
from each other. It is also often done when one meets a distant relative or friend
for the first time, especially if he \isits one’s house. In every case an exact
equivalent as a return present is expected at some future date. Every Indian is
welcome at another's house to eat a meal without any charge, even if he be an
enemy ; and as long as one has a morse! to «at, he will share it with his friends,
When the winter provisions of 1 were exhausted, he was sometimes
compelled to go begging. This was done in the following manner: he put ona
dogskin blanket and rolled dogskins around his legs. He wore a mask made of
birch-bark, with holes for the eyes, and with whiskers made of horsehair or other
hair glued on to it. The whole mask, or part of it, was painted black. He
300 TEIT, THE THOMFSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
entered the underground house, carrying a staff in his hand and a basket 01: his
back, and went up to the fire and warmed himself. Such a person was much
dreaded by children. After a little while he began to dance, grunting. The
people put some presents of food into his basket, and he left the lodge.
The Thompson Indians, at least the upper division, have smoked from time
immemorial. Their substitute for tobacco was a plant, a genuine wild tobacco
(Nicotiana attenuata Torr.), which grew in the warmest valleys. The leaves were
gathered, dried, and greased, and when used were broken up and mixed with
bearberry-leaves, which had first been dried or roasted over a fire. This wild
tobacco is now almost altogether replaced by the tobacco of the whites, of which
most members of the tribe are very fond, though hardly any of them will smoxe
it alone, preferring to mix it with bearberry-leaves. Among the upper division
of the tribe the women smoke equally as much as the men. Two or three
generations ago, however, women seldom or never smoked. Smoking was
looked upon as the privilege solely of the men. Only such women smoked as
laid claim to being strong in “ medicine.” ,
The pipes formerly used, as also many of those of the present day, were
made almost altogether of stone, generally with high narrow bowls and long stems
(Figs. 271-275). Two kinds of stone are used,—a soapstone of dark-greenish
color, and slightly transparent (Fig. 272); the other apparently a soft slate,
which, when rubbed with grease and smoked a while, turns a rich glossy black.
Sometimes pipes are made of sandstone (Fig. 276) or of white clay. Sagebrush-
root and buck’s horn (Fig. 277) are also used. The stone pipes are frequently
carved, and .'.. carving filled in with melted lead or German silver. Formerly
red paint was used. The stone pipe shown in Fig. 277 has a bowl of peculiar
form. Maple-wood is preferred for making the stems, which are rather thick,
and from five or six inches to a foot and a half in length. Some of the old pipes
had bowls carved into figures representing heads of animals, birds, and men, while
some had a narrow carved ridge extending down the front of the bowl. Others
had a square piece at the bottom of the bowl, through which a hole was bored
for the attachment of a string connecting it with the stem, and on which were
often strung beads, etc. Shamans’ pipes (see Fig. 306), were often decorated with
eagle-feathers. These, and also the pipes smoked at gatherings or councils, were
of a much larger size than the ordinary ones. Besides these pipes of their own
manufacture, catlinite pipes were bartered from the tribes to the southeast,
and pipe tomahawks were obtained from the same source and from the Hudson
Bay Company. :
Sometimes pipes with double bowls were used. Tubular pipes such as de-
scribed by Harlan 1. Smith as found in Lytton and in Kamloops (Part III, p.155)
are remembered by old Indians to have been in use, although they were not so
common as the ordinary pipes. One was seen in use in eastern Washington as
late as 1896.
The custom of passing the pipe around among all the men in a circle is still
Fig. 273. Fig. 274.
‘ 4
Fig. 276.
Fig.’277.
Pipes, Fig. 276, § nat. size ; others, 4 nat, size.
|
Figs. a7 (rhfx), 272 (abv), 273 (able), 274 (xbOs), 275 (adfe), 276 (etfs 4), 277 (abe).
See SET
302 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
practised to some extent. This is done before making speeches or discussing
business transactions. The pipe was passed around, and is yet, among a group
of friends while a person is speaking. Especially is this so at gatherings ; and it
is also customary, when a man or a woman meets a friend with whom he or she
wishes to converse, for them to sit down together, and for one of the parties to
fill the pipe and smoke it with the friend, alternately taking a few whiffs, In these
cases the pipe is passed round the company in the direction of the sun’s course.
All this is looked upon asa sign of good will. If the pipe is passed in a direction
opposite to that of the sun’s course, it is a sign of displeasure, anger, or evil
wishes, as is also the case if a man tear his shirt or some other part of his
clothes. If this be done while talking or quarrelling with a person, it means that
the latter is considered an enemy.
XI.—BIRTH, CHILDHOOD, PUBERTY, MARRIAGE, AND DEATH.
Precnancy. — When a newly married woman was with child for the first time,
both she and her husband had to go throuyh certain ceremonies similar to the
puberty ceremonies (p. 311); otherwise inany evil consequences might result.
The couple had to bathe often in cold water, and to sweat-bathe, While bathing,
the woman prayed, “ May I have no trouble and give birth to my child easily !”
or, ‘May I have no trouble when I am giving birth! I rely on thee, Dawn of
the Day. Pity me!” The man had to go out hunting many times; and both
had to pray much to the Dawn of the Day, and sometimes to the Water. The
spring at which a woman who was with child, or her husband, had drunk or
washed, was liable to run dry or to decrease in volume, to avoid which, the
Indians put a stone into the water.
Many restrictions were placed upon a woman with child, such as the follow-
ing: she was not allowed to touch with her hand or to eat the flesh of the
porcupine, or anything killed by an eagle or hawk, since, if she ate of them, it
was said that her child would resemble them in form, feature, or habits. If she
ate flesh of the hare, the child would have a harelip. She must not eat the flesh
of a lynx or a dog on account of the part played by those animals in mythological
traditions, nor of the marmot or certain kinds of trout. She was not allowed to
eat anything her husband was restricted from eating. She must not eat black-
bear flesh ; for if she did, she would have no more children. There were no re-
strictions regarding a pregnant woman eating game which had been shot through
certain bones or parts of the body. She must not eat food of which a mouse, a
rat, or a dog had eaten part; for if she did, she would have a premature birth.
If she met or saw a snake, she had to turn and walk away in the opposite direc-
tion. If she stepped on the tracks of a wolf or otter, her child would be still-born
or die shortly after birth, and her children ever afterward would die in infancy.
In such case she had to repair to a shaman who had the otter or wolf for his
guardian spirit, and after he had treated her, her children would not die. She
must not look on when a corpse was being prepared for burial; if she did, the
navel-string wou!d become twisted around the child, like the string tied around
the corpse. She was not allowed to smoke. She was permitted to eat the roasted
flesh of the weasel or fisher ; and, if their entire skins were stretched and hung up
above the head of her bed, her child would be good-looking, like those animals.
Besides the restrictions above mentioned, if pregnant for the first time, she
was not allowed to touch salmon with her hands, or to eat salmon-heads, nor
must she put aside food to eat at another time. If any food were left over after
eating, she must give it to another person. All this was done that she might have
an easy birth, She must not scratch herself, because it would leave marks. She
had to do up her hair in the style used by girls reaching puberty. Some people
observed these latter restrictions before the birth of the second child also. If a
[303]
vee nse ETT
z SPITS
304 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
pregnant woman felt something small moving backward and forward inside of her
belly, she knew she would have a male child, This feeling was said to be caused
by the child’s penis. Then the father made a miniature bow and arrows, and,
shortly after the child's birth, placed them in his hands, saying, ‘‘ Here are your
bow and arrows. Become acquainted with them, and may you use them well in
after-years !”
The following restrictions were placed on the husband of a pregnant woman:
He must not hunt the black or grisly bear, nor eat their meat, else the child
would dissolve or cease to exist in the mother’s womb, or would be still-born ;
neither must he eat or hunt porcupine and hare. Hunting and eating willow-
grouse or fool-hen were also forbidden, that the child might not be foolish, He
must not hunt or eat squirrel, else the child would cry much when young.
He must not hunt or snare otter, wolf, coyote, marten, and badger. He must not
eat the flesh of lynx or dog. He must not kill snakes of any kind; should he do
so, the child would resemble a dead person or ghost. He may hunt deer, weasel,
and fisher ; but if his wife were pregnant for the first time, he must not eat the
meat of deer he had killed until after it had been dead one day; if he did, he
would see no more game. He must not walk in the tracks of a wounded deer,
because he might have bad luck afterward in hunting.
Birtu. — Among the upper division of the tribe, a woman, when giving birth
to a child, lay on her side, with her head and shoulders somewhat elevated, and
took hold of a rope placed there for that purpose. Many women had recourse
to the services of an elderly woman experienced in suck. matters; but others
never accepted help of any kind, or only that of their husband, or of such women
as were in the house. Elderly women who acted as midwives generally received
a deerskin blanket for their work. The midwife did not require any purification
afterward, beyond washing her hands.
The afterbirth was taken away and hung up on the branch of a tree, that no
dog or snake might touch it. If it were touched by either, the woman would
have no more children. It was not supposed to kill the tree. Among the Lower
Thompsons it was buried near water. If a woman had a premature birth or a
miscarriage, the afterbirth was thrown into the river, or occasionally it was buried
in wet ground, Any blood lost was buried, The navel-string, after being cut
with an ordinary knife, was tied up. It was generally cut the length of the outside
joint of the first finger (about an inch), tied with something soft, as hair of a
squirrel or hare, and smeared with black-pine gum. It is said that some people,
and more especially the Lower Thompsons, did not tie the string at all, but simply
smeared it with tree-gum and the pollen of the tule. Immediately after the
birth occurred, the father went outside and fired an arrow into the air; if this were
not done, it was said that the child’s navel would swell. At the present day a shot
is fired from a gun instead, The piece of the infant’s navel-string outside of the
ligature, after dropping off, was sewed up by the mother in a piece of buckskin
which was embroidered with hair, quills, or beads. It was then tied to the broad
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 305
buckskin band that extended round the head of the cradle on the outside.
Numerous thongs depended from it, to which were attached fawn’s hoofs, large
glass beads, and bone beads, some of each on every thong, These made a jin-
gling noise when the cradle was moved. Sleigh-bells are now often used for this
purpose. If this piece of the infant’s navel-string could not be found after it had
dropped off, or if it were lost, it was looked upon as a calamity, as it was believed
that the child would in after-years become foolish, would do foolish, bad things, or
would be lost while hunting or travelling.
Indian women, even at the present day, almost invariably give birth to
children with the greatest ease. Very often they are walking around, attending
to their duties, two or three hours before the birth takes place, and again a few
hours afterward, If a woman has a hard delivery, her husband goes to the water
and bathes. He must dive or plunge once so that his whole body is covered.
Then he runs to his house nude, with the exception of his breech-cloth, and walks
or runs around it four times, following the sun’s course. Then he enters, and
stands at his wife’s head. After this she will give birth to the child quickly.
Immediately after giving birth to the child, the mother is given a hot drink
made by boiling branches of service-berry or of another berry bush, Among the
Lower Thompsons, a decoction made from cedar is drunk instead. Before delivery,
if there is much pain, the midwife rubs the abdomen with her hand, and gives the
woman warm water to drink. Should a woman about to give birth to a child
send word to all the people, she would have a harder birth. It is said that the
child shrinks back when aware of the presence of people, or when it hears a noise,
but comes forward again when all is quiet.
Abortion was rarely practised, and was effected by the drinking of medicine.
Newly born babes were sometimes, but very rarely, summarily disposed of by
strangling or drowning, but women who did so were thought very severely of, and
publicly reprimanded.
For a period of six weeks after child-birth, the mother had to wash herself
each morning in the water of some creek. She also drank an herb tea; and
her husband separated from her until her washing period was over. The period
of purification and separation was formerly three or four months. At the present
day one month is generally considered a sufficient length of time to purify and to
exercise restraint. For four days after confinement the woman did not go near
the fire, especially when people were cooking food ; and when passing near it, a
mat was placed between her and the fire. A woman at that period was not allowed
to cook.
Immediately after birth, the child was well washed with the hand, in warm
water in which spruce-bark, balsam-bark, etc., had been boiled. ‘T'amarack-bark
was also used for this purpose, as the child who was washed in such water was said
to become strong in after-years, Sometimes shortly after this the child was
smeared with a mixture of black-pine pitch and deer-fat. This was said to make
it quiet, and to cause it never to cry or to be peevish,
<a
aw
rei
yer mt Ts
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?
306 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
CritpHoop, — When a few days old, the Indian baby is placed in its cradle,
or rather its carrier, Among the Upper Thompsons these carriers are mostly
made of one piece of birch-
bark, the sides turned up and co. a.
sewed together at each end, “rem nsntnnenannimeaninannanaimamnnsaiil —
Formerly many of these Fig, 2/3 (g§%a). Conduit for Cradle of Female Infant,
birch-bark carriers were cov-
ered with buckskin. To the sides
were sewed buckskin flaps for hold-
ing the baby in while being carried.
These were fastened together by a
buckskin lacing. Near the top,
reaching over from side to side, was
a hoop to keep the blanket or cloth
off the baby’s face, and to give it
breathing-space when it was neces-
sary to cover it over. To this hoop
were attached trinkets in the shape
of bells, beads, etc., to attract the
child’s attention. In the bottom
end was a wooden or birch-bark
conduit to carry off the moisture
of the infant. Figs. 280 and 278 show the forms of conduit used respectively
for male and female children. The carrier of the Lower Thompsons, though of
the same shape as those
just described, was made
of coiled basketry (Fig.
279), and decorated on
that side which is visible
when the cradle hangs on
the back. Like those
iiacde of birch-bark, it also
had a conduit. The Up-
per Fraser band used car-
| riers similar to those of
) the Lower Thompsons,
and made of spruce-root.
The Lower Thompsons
sometimes made cradles
of the hide of the black
bear, the hair side inward.
All these cradles were carried by means of the ordinary packing-line, the
ends of which were fastened round the cradle, allowing it to lie horizontally
Fig. 279 (sha). Cradle of Lower Thompsons,
Fig. 280 (y4§y). Birch-bark Cradle.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 307
across the back. Some birch carriers had packing-lines made of a very wide
piece of double buckskin, often embroidered, sewed to the buckskin covering.
The covering itself, and the flaps which held the child, were also often highly
ornamented, Fig. 280 represents a baby-carrier of the Spences Bridge band,
made of two pieces of bark sewed together with Indian-hemp thread. A
hoop of maple-wood forms the edge, to which the bark is sewed. It is further
strengthened by strips of bark fastened inside. The edge is covered with doe-
skin, and fringe of the same material hangs around the outside. It is carried by
a strap of doeskin that is attached to the cradle. The hoop is made of maple-
wood, Its position can be adjusted by means of buckskin strings, and it may be
folded back over the head. Outside, at the head end, is attached a bunch of rat-
tling deer-hoofs, The cover, which is not shown in the drawing, is made of fawn-
skin.
A few of the Thompson Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge, and
most of the Nicola Valley Indians, used a different kind of carrier. With these
the child was put into a thick buckskin sack, only a place for its face being left open.
The sack was tightened in front by a buckskin lacing. The carrier was a flat
piece of board the length and breadth of the infant, with a hoop near the head, as
on the birch-bark carrier. To the sides of the board were fastened strong
buckskin flaps, which, after the baby was put on the board, were lapped over its
body from the head downward, and drawn tight with a buckskin lacing. Two
holes, for the attachment of the packing-line, were made in the side of the board,
near the upper end (Fig. 281, 2). When carried, these cradles hung down the
mother’s back ; and when riding, they were often hung from the pommel of the
saddle ; but, if the mother were working, they were suspended from the branch
of atree. Sometimes the top of the board had a handle by which it was suspended,
in place of the two lateral holes (Fig. 281, 4).
Fig. 281, @ ($y), Cradle of Nicola Band; 4, Handles of Cradles,
The blanket in which the baby was wrapped was made of softened fawn-skin
with the hair on; and for greater softness the bottoms of the birch-bark carriers
were strewn with grass, small fir-twigs, sagebrush bark or branches, over which
308 TEIT, ‘THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
were laid skins, such as those of the hare, squirrel, fawn, coyote, etc., and, among
the Upper Fraser band, of the dog. The Lower Thompsons laid softened cedar-
bark in the cradle.
By some, branches of wild currant were put in the bottom of the carrier, which
were believed to quiet the child. Others placed there the dried tail and lower
part of the backbone of the silver salmon, so that the child should not urinate
often, The carriers here described are the only ones in use at the present day.
The Thompson Indians, like the other interior tribes, never compressed or
deformed their children’s heads in any manner, and looked with derision on the
custom. A few of the Lower Thompsons, who had married women from the
coast, permitted them to deform the heads of their children. Moss was put
between the feet of the infant, or they were bandaged with buckskin to give
them the proper shape. Shortly after birth their noses were pulled, — yenerally
by the midwife, but sometimes by father or mother,—to prevent them from
developing into “ pug” noses, At the same time the midwife opened the child’s
eyes wide by pulling the upper eyelid up and the lower down, in order that the
child should have nice, round, open eyes. All parts of the body were pulled or
rubbed by the father or mother, so that the limbs, etc., should be well formed.
According to the manner in which the features were pulled and shaped after birth,
would the child, on reaching maturity, be pretty or ugly.
When the child could walk, it was allowed to run around naked, or nearly
so; but girls wore a breech-cloth or a robe, this being the only wearing apparel
until they reached the age of puberty. Up to this time they had no thou, ht or
care, being allowed to play or do almost as they liked. Only two restrictions:
were laid on them: they were made to rise early, and wash frequently in cold
water, and were not permitted to play after sunset or to make too much noise.
Children were often scared into quietness by being told, “The Owl will come
and take you, and will put you into his basket, which contains snakes or crawling
insects, and will then fly away with you.” Young children at the present day are
generally very much afraid of the owl.! When a child lost its teeth, each one, as
it fell out, was taken by the father and stuck into a piece of raw deer-flesh until
out of sight. This was then given to a dog, who of course swallowed it whole. I
cannot obtain any reason for this custom.
The custom of giving children to friends to bring up was formerly prevalent.
If a child died, sometimes a friend of the parents who had many children would
give them one of his, a few years of age, to take the place of the dead child; and
they were expected to rear it until it reached the age of maturity. If a married
couple had no children, and were thought highly of by the other people, a friend
or relative who had many children gave them one of his, that they might not be
lonely. Many of these children, when grown up, preferred to live with their
foster-parents rather than with their real parents, Barren women desirous of
' See Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, p, 63.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 309
having children ate a roasted mouse of a certain species. Buck's penis was
sometimes eaten by women, that they might bear male children,
When a mother went up the high mountains to dig roots, etc., taking her
baby there for the first time, the first evening after reaching her digging-yround
she would break a branch from a tree, and hang her child in its carrier on
the broken limb. She painted her whole face, and sometimes the top of her
head, red, and danced there before the infant, sometimes all night. She put her
hands close together, as if holding something, blew in them, and ran off some
distance; then, opening them, she made the motion of throwing away something.
This was symbolic of taking disease or evil from the infant, and throwing it
far away. She prayed constantly to the spirits of the place, or to the mountains
themselves, asking that her child might never be sick, and that, if it were ever
bewitched, and no shaman were near to help, nevertheless it might not die, or that
she herself might have power to defeat the evil. She also addressed the spirits
of the mountains on her own behalf, kneeling down, spitting on her hands, and
rubbing her body upward over the front to the face, then over the top of the
head backward, meanwhile praying that she might be delivered from all disease
or trouble, that she might never be hurt in body, or be bewitched, and that,
if sick, she might get well soon.
When the child had outgrown the cradle, the latter was suspended from the
branch of a tree some distance from the village, never to be used again.
The first-born and the second-born child of a family were considered to be
heavier of foot than the other children of the family. They were also believed
to be unlucky, especially in hunting, The youngest child of a family was consid-
ered the luckiest. On the birth of a child, the father generally gave a feast
to the neighbors, At this feast sometimes an old man or woman would ask to
have the child placed in his or her arms, and, holding the child for a while, would
bless it. To the one blessing the child, the father would make a present of
a skin, Only parents who had been married by the ceremonies described on
p. 322 gave birth feasts,
In the winter-time, children of both sexes had to pass through an ordeal
called “ whipping the children.” This ceremony was generally performed twice a
year, while the Indians were all living in their winter houses, An elderly man
cut some long thin switches, generally from a service-berry bush. These he tied
together at one end, making a formidable whip. He then went to the hole of the
winter house and struck it four times with his whip. The children inside then
knew what was going to happen, and many of them would hide in terror, The
man then came down the ladder, and held up the switches, saying, “ Who will
pick my berries?” If the people inside wished to save the children from going
through the ordeal, some woman would arise, take up her basket, and commence
to dance opposite the man, pretending to pick berries off ‘the stick into her basket,
and often at the same time singing a song. ‘Tie man, being then satisfied, went
out and threw away the switches. Sometimes the people set the children an
310 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
example of courage and endurance under pain. They refused to dance and pick
the berries off the switches, and instead one of them pulled off his shirt, stepped
up to the man, and held up his clasped hands and arms straight above his head.
The man then struck this substitute for the children four times across the middle
of the back with the supple switches, each time harder than the preceding. Then
the man, being satisfied, went outside and threw away the whip. If, however, the
people of the house wanted the children to be put through the ordeal, none of
them would volunteer to “ pick berries” or to take athrashing. Then the flogger
commanded the children to come forward one by one, and to pick berries, Each
boy and giri of about the age of eight years and upward then went forward one
at a time, danced, sang, and went through the motion of picking berries into a
basket. If all did this, then the flogger went away; but if any refused, either
through fear or bashfulness, or in order to show their cousage, they had to come
forward, and were struck four times over the bare back. Sometimes a lad asked
for and took more than four lashes. If he stood up without flinching until all the
switches were broken in lashing him, he was presented with the stumps and told
to go and wash: he had done a great feat. Often his whole body was covered
with blood. That winter house was exempt from the ordeal for a considerable
time. Girls and boys were subject to this ordeal until married, or until they had
distinguished thems«lves in some way A boy who was not bashful, but went up
and met the flogger as he came into the house, made a speech to him, and, hold-
ing out his hands, blessed him, was generally exempt from the flogging. The
remains of the whip were always thrown into the river. Af -r going through the
ceremony, all the children were sent to wash in cold water.
The morning after the performance of the ordeal, the old man who gave the
thrashing invited toa feast all the people of that winter house, and the children
in particular. It was said that if the flogger struck the children with the same
whip that he had used on a woman, the evil influences from the latter would be
transferred to the children, One reason given by the Indians for this custom
we: to help the children overcome their bashfulness, to make them courageous,
and capable of enduring great pain without fear or flinching. The Indians also
say that this ceremony was performed to find out the character of the boys. A
boy who at once stepped forward, threw up his arms, and took his flogging, would
be a good warrior. It was also believed that those who had undergone the
flogging, if shot or hurt in battle, would recover quickly. Within the last fifteen
years the custom has gone out of use.
Twins. — A woman about to be delivered of twins was generally made aware
of the ‘act beforehand by the repeated appearance of the grisly bear in her dreams ;
therefore twins were regarded as different from other children, and were treated
accordingly. They were called “ gristy-bear children” or “ hairy feet.”. Immedi-
ately after their birth, the father put on a head-band and went outside, walking
round the house in a circle, striking the ground with a fir-bough, and singing the
grisly-bear song. These children were supposed to be under the special protection
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 311
of the grisly bear, and were endowed by him with special powers. Among
these was the power of creating good or bad weather. Twins were supposed to
be unable to see a grisly bear. The grisly was not looked upon as the real father
of the children, but only as their protector. When twins were born, if it were
possible, a young man was selected by the father to sing when they first cried.
Such a man had several duties to perform. It was considered a privilege to be
thus singled out, as such a person was thought to.become proficient in the mystery
of the grisly bear, and obtained him for his guardian spirit. He became unable
to see the grisly bear, who always kept out of his way. This man wore a head-
band, generally of the bark of E/eagnus argentea Pursh., into which were stuck
eagle or hawk feathers. He painted his whole face red, and held a fir-branch in
each hand. If the twins were male and female, he \eld a male fir-branch in the
right hand, and a female fir-branch in the left.! As soon as the children began to
cry, he went four times around them, following the sun’s course, at the same time
singing the grisly-bear song, and striking the children with the branches, — the
female with the one in the left hand, and the male with the one in the right hand.
He always took care to strike the elder first. The parents, during the ceremony,
had their faces painted red. The grisly-bear painting was a picture fa bear's
paw in red on each cheek. The impression of a man’s hand in red was used to
represent a bear in facial paintings. Instead of their father, the singer some-
times staid with the twins during the entire period of separation of the parents, and
took them under his special care, washing them and singing over them. He, as
well as the parents, constantly kept two fir-branches, corresponding to the sex of
the twins, near their pillows. The mother always took care to suckle the elder
first. If she should not do this, one of the twins would die. After the birth of
twins, the parents moved some distance away from the other people, and lived in
a lodge made of fir-boughs and bark, and continued to live there until the chil-
dren were about four years of age. During all this time the twins were taken
great care of, being bathed, washed with fir twigs or boughs dipped in water, and
not allowed to come in contact with other people. While this washing process
was going on, the father described circles around them with fir-boughs, at the
same time singing the grisly-bear song. A male passing by a lodge in which
twin children resided, always whistled. When wishing to see some of the inmates,
he called them by whistling from a distance, but he did not enter.
Puserty. — A great many ceremonies were performed at the time when boys
and girls reached puberty, the object of most of which was to make the young
people healthy, and successful in that particular walk of life to which they might
devote themselves.
Puberty of Girls, — A girl, on attaining puberty, was at once separated from
all the other people. Sometimes parents, when one of their daughters reached
It is not quite clear what the Indians call male and female plants. It seems that on the whole the size of flower
and branch determines the supposed sex of the plant. The male branches of coniferous trees are called by the Indians
female,
ew
312 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
this age, would move into the wilder parts of the mountains to give her a better
opportunity to perform the required ceremonies. A conical hut of fir branches
and bark was erected at some little distance from the other houses, and during
the daytime the girl was made to squat on her heels inside of it. A circular
hole, so deep that its top was even with the girl’s shoulder-blade when she
squatted, was often dug inside the hut, and in this she had tosit. The location of
this hut away from the other houses was to prevent the smoke of the lodges
from blowing down on the girl, as it was believed to make her unlucky or sick.
On the first indications, and on each succeeding morning during her first men-
struation, her face was painted red all over. Her hair was done up in two knots,
one behind each ear (Fig. 208). Into one of these knots an implement for scratch-
ing her skin, made of deer-bone (Fig. 282),
was often stuck. She was wrapped ina heavy
blanket, which covered her body from top to
toe. This blanket was generally put on over
her clothes, and fastened round the waist with
a sash or string, and at the breast with a
wooden pin or button. Formerly a heavy skin
robe was worn instead. She was then made
to run as fast as possible to some goal, gen-
erally twice going and twice returning, until
she sweated profusely. The first night of her
separation the girl was made to repair to some
prominent place in the mountains, such as a
peak or the top of a hill. Here she gathered
a quantity of fir-wood, preferably wood which
was black or which had been burned at some
former time. This she piled around the foot
of a tree near the top:of the hill, and set fire to it.
Then she spit four times into the fire, pray-
Fig. 282 4 (ab¥s), 4 (rby)» Scratchers. jandgnat.size. ing to it that she might never suffer hunger.
She next danced around the fire and its em-
bers, singing and praying until daybreak. This custom was confined to the
Upper Thompsons. Among the Lower Thompsons she carried a staff for one
night. About daybreak she leaned it against the stump of a tree, and prayed to
the Day-dawn that she might be blessed with a good husband, which was symbol-
ized by the staff. Among both the Upper and Lower Thompsons she had to
run as fast as she could, praying at the same time to the Earth or Nature that
she might be fleet of foot and tireless of limb. She split small fir-trees in two
from top to bottom, so that she might be strong of muscle and body. Somewhat
larger ones she bent over or twisted around, sometimes tying the ends of the trees
into knots. The trees thus treated were from three to five fect high,
She dug trenches, that she might be capable of doing a large amount of
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 313
digging and other hard work. The trenches were from twenty to thirty yards in
length, and generally shallow. Others were short and deep. They were near
some trail, and parallel to it, always on the lower side of the trail. The excavated
dirt was thrown on the lower side of the ditch. This was believed to shorten the
duration of her monthly periods. She planted at each end of the trench a single
fir-branch or the stick with which she had dug the ditch. Sometimes she planted
her root-digger there, or deposited a single
smooth stone, on which she painted pictures ;
or she placed two or three unpainted small
stones at each end. Sometimes the pebbles
that the girl let drop out from under her dress
when running were used for this purpose (see
p. 314). She also wiped her eyes and her face
with small fir-branches, that she might be
good-looking, and never become blind or have
sore eyes. After the ceremony the fir-branches
were hung on the branches of a tree. These
ceremonies were repeated for four nights or
mornings in succession, four tities each morn-
ing, and each time she supplicated the Dawn
of the Day. She also wandered some nights
to lonely parts of the mountains, where she
would dance, imploring the spirits to pity and
protect her during her future life. Then she
would lie down and sleep at these places.
The first four days and nights she did not
wash. She had to fast, but was allowed a little
water. Her drinking-water was kept in a birch-
bark cup painted red. For the first four days
a new cup was given her each day, which was
thrown away at night. Her mouth must not
touch the surface of the water: therefore she Dame aie aay, 0 28 Gite. Peake
drank through a tube (Fig. 283) made from Poatsaaes ington oles, “Pst ae,
the leg of a crane, a swan, or a goose. Sometimes the tube had holes in it, so
that it could also be used as a whistle (Fig. 284). The tubes used by the Lower
Thompsons never had such holes,
During the first four days she wore a rough head-dress of conical shape,
made of small fir-branches, usually four, tied tightly at their lower ends and
again loosely about halfway down. The branches that covered the back were
longer than those in front. They were tied loosely in front so as to leave
an opening for the face. These branches were worn on the head like a hat, and
reached below the breasts. Many alsc wore sleeveless shirts or tunics made of
fir-branches woven or tied together. When the girl repaired to her bathing-place in
mn." an hs
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314 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
the early morning, she took off this head-dress, and placed it on the top of four
different tree-stumps, one after another, each time praying to the Dawn, that, in
like manner as she was liberal and crowned these stumps, even so might she be
liberal to hér friends, if she were granted riches. Moreover, she asked that her
friends might be equally liberal toward her, and return her presents, etc., freely
and abundantly. The crowning of stumps was rarely practised by the Lower
Thompsons.
Another morning ceremony was to run four times, carrying two small stones
obtained from underneath the water. These were put into her bosom ; and as the
girl ran, they passed down between her bare body and her clothes, falling to the
ground. As she ran, she prayed to the Dawn that it might come to pass, that,
when she should be with child, she might be delivered as easily as she had been
delivered of these two stones,
After the first four days, during the rest of the period of isolation, she was
allowed to eat, to wash, to lie down, and to comb her hair. She was sparingly fed
by her parents or guardians, Part of the first four scanty meals had to be buried
in the earth beneath where the girl sat, or, more generally, at the crossing of two
trails, or at both places. This was done in order that for the remainder of her life
she should never want for a little food or drink.
She had to repair to the water, preferably to a spring. She carried four
stones in her bosom, which, on reaching water, she took out and spat on, throwing
them one at a time into the water, praying at the same time that all disease might
leave her as these stones did. Here she washed and bathed herself, drawing a
small fir-branch — among the Lower Thompsons sometimes a hemlock-branch —
over each part of her body four times, at the same time praying to the Dawn that
every part of her body might be free from disease or pain in future years. Hav-
ing finished washing, she stood up and addressed the Dawn thus: “If it should
happen that my body be afflicted with sick-
ness, may it leave me as easily as this fir-
branch does!” at the last words tossing the
branch away from her, between her legs, and
backward. In washing, she never touched
her body with her hands, but used a brush
made of fir-boughs tied together, which she
dipped into the water as required. She gen-
erally sat in the water while washing.
Now she was also allowed to take off
the heavy robe, which, however, she con-
tinued to wear when sleeping, and when
‘ walking from the lodge to her washing-
place. After the first four days some girls
put on aprons of buckskin reaching to their knees. On them were pictures
painted with red paint.
Fig. 285 a, 4 (g4$z a, 5). Girls’ Combs, § nat. size,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 315
For combing, the girl used a four or five pronged comb, that her periods of
menstruation might never be prolonged over that number of days (Fig. 285).
On the fifth morning she received a new birch-bark cup, which she kept
during the rest of. the period of isolation. She continued to drink through her
tube. Should she drink from a stream or spring without using her tube, the
spring would dry up. Each morning, on reaching the water where she washed,
she sucked four mouthfuls through the tube, and spat out each. Afterwards she
could drink through the tube.
To make her body pure, the’ girl tied together around the middle and one
end four needles of the yellow pine, and, when washing, she stuck their sharp
ends into the flesh of her armpits until it bled. At the same time she prayed that
her armpits and the skin of her body might never become noxious, but always
smell sweet. For this purpose, pads of wild strawberry-leaves were worn under
the armpits by some. Some used to spit four times on the top of a fir-twig held
in the hand, at the same time praying to the Dawn that they might never have a
foul breath. Girls were also in the habit of repairing to places where the yellow
pine grew, and at break of day they rubbed their bodies, hands, and heads against
the trunks of these trees. At the same time they prayed to the Dawn for
deliverance from all sickness and evil influences during their lifetime.
The girl, when carrying home the fir or (among the Lower Thompsons)
hemlock branches with which she strewed the floor of ‘her hut each morning, had
to stroke her back and head with a branch, praying that those members might
never get tired when carrying heavy burdens, She also stroked her legs and feet,
that they might never get tired when travelling long distances. She did the same
to her moccasin-strings, that they might never break. Moreover, she made moc-
casins of sunflower-leaves and grass, and prayed that her real moccasins, even
when thin and frail like these, might not wear out or burst when travelling. She
often set up sticks and fir-branches near the crossings of trails.
The girl was ».ways expected to be back in her hut at sunrise. During the
day she often busied herself by picking one needle at a time off two large fir-
branches suspended from the roof of her hut for that purpose. While thus
engaged, she prayed that she might never be lazy, but always quick and active at
work, The prayer was generally addressed to the fir-branch. During her period
of training, she had to make miniatures of every article which women were in the
habit of making, so that in after-years she might be capable of making those
articles properly,— baskets of root and birch-bark, mats of different kinds, rope,
thread, etc. Four large fir-branches were placed in front of the girl’s hut, a little
distance apart, leaving room to step once between each two, so that when she
went out or in, she had to step over them. These branches were renewed each
morning, the old ones being taken away and thrown into the creek, the girl
praying, “May I never bewitch any man, nor my fellow-women! may it never
happen!” The first four times that the girl happened to go out or in, she
addressed the branches, saying, “If ever I step into trouble or difficulties,
poe
316 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
or step unknowingly inside the magical spell of some person, may you help me,
O Fir-branches, with your power!”
After eating, the girl was not allowed to wipe her mouth with her hand, as
hair would grow around her mouth: she used for this purpose a bunch of cedar-
bark or sagebrush-bark, which she kept hanging by a string around her neck, To
this string were also often attached her comb, her scratcher, and her drinking-
tube.
Each day she painted her face afresh, and she wore strings of parts of deer-
hoofs around her ankles and knees, and attached to her waistband on each side of
her body, which made a rattling noise when she walked or ran. Shortly before
finishing her period of training, she repaired at night to the trench she had
previously dug, and erected two poles several feet in length, one at each end, or
four poles, one at each corner of the trench, and suspended from them all the
miniature articles she had made during her training period.
Other customs were as follows : some of the first menstrual fluid was preserved
by the girl, and tied up ina rag. It was afterward taken to the top of some lofty
ridge, deposited in the windiest spot which was devoid of vegetation, and there
burned by the girl, who prayed ‘ 1at she might never be troubled with prolonged
periods of menstruation.
If the girl was short, and wanted to be taller. her lodge was made very high ;
she took hold of one of the lodge poles with both hands, at the same time
standing up and addressing the Dawn. Then she put her palms together, with
the tips of the middle fingers almost touching her mouth, and, taking a mouthful
of water, she blew it four times through her tube over the tops of her fingers,
each time beseeching the Dawn to make her taller. If she considered herself tall
enough, her lodge was made very low, sometimes sc low that she had no room to
stand erect ; she put the palm of her hand on the top of her head, and prayed to
the Dawn that she might not grow any taller. If she thought she was too fat,
when washing in the stream or spring she put both her hands together in the
shape of a bowl, and, filling them full of water, lifted them to her mouth, then
blew the water out of her hands over the fingers, and implored the Dawn to make
her thinner. If a girl was afraid she might have large feet, she spat on them at
break of day, and, rubbing the toes with her hands, prayed to the Dawn that her
feet might be small, or that they might not grow any larger. In her lodge she
frequently washed her face and head with a decoction of the stems and flowers of
wild flax (Lznum perenne L.), or with a decoction of the tops of young yellow
pines. This was said to give her a fair complexion, smooth skin, and an abundant
head of hair.
She picked lice out of her head, and dropped them into the hollow stem of a
species of Aguzsetum. This she did on each of four days; then she repaired to
a stream, and, placing the reed with its cargo in the current, allowed it to float
away down stream. Meanwhile she prayed to the Day-dawn that in after-years
she might be free from lice on her head or body.
EIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 317
She made a record of her offerings, and the ceremonies she had passed
through, by painting pictures of them with red paint on bowlders and on small
stones placed at the ends of her trenches. This was believed to insure long life.
The pictures were generally all of the same character, and consisted of fir-branches,
cross-trails, lodges, mats, men, etc., and were put on toward the end of her period
of training (Plate XIX). She painted pictures of men, symbolic of her future
husband. Children were forbidden to go near her hut or to converse with her,
as they might get sick if they did.
After being isolated for four months, she was allowed to live with the other
people. She had to help her mother with cooking, sewing, other household
work, root-digging, etc. She washed herself morning and evening. Her dress is
described on p. 217.
The Indians say that long ago the period of isolation extended over a year
instead of four months, and that fourteen days elapsed before the girl was allowed
to wash for the first time. In rare instances the girls sweat-bathed toward the
end of their training period, if that period extended to six months or a year.
They used a sweat-house constructed of four wands or of four fir-branches, which
were covered over, of course; and they used four stones for heating the house.
This was done by girls who wished to be shamans or to become wise.
The hut in which the girl had lived during her sequestration was allowed to
remain as it was until it felldown. The four branches over which she had stepped
were thrown into the water. The dress which she had worn was taken to a hilltop
and burned, and the rest of her clothes were hung up in trees.
The girl, during the training period, was allowed to eat any kind of roots or
vegetables, also dried salmon and trout. She must not eat fresh salmon or trout,
nor grouse or other birds until the day after they had been killed; she must not
eat deer or other quadrupeds, either fresh or dried; nor berries until a month
after the first ones were ripe: else she would be liable to sickness or to be
bewitched. A young woman should never eat bear-meat ; if she did, she would
have no children. A man who had a maturing daughter should not hunt or trap
for about a month, as he would be unsuccessful. He should cut off the head of
the first grouse he snared, take out its eyes, and place two small roots of
Zygadenus elegans Pursh. in its orbits, and another in its mouth. It was then
hung above or near his pillow. If this were not done, he would not be able to
snare any more grouse or other small game. Other hunters would not give any
deer-meat to the father of a maturing girl, and he generally did not give any to
other hunters.
Puberty of Boys The ceremonies which boys had to perform depended
upon their aspirations. Those who desired to become great hunters had to prac-
tise hunting and shooting in a ceremonial way. Those who desired to be warriors
prayed to the Sun to give them their wish, and performed mimic battles. The
would-be gambler danced, and played with gambling-sticks. Only warriors prayed
to the Sun. The others prayed to the Dawn of the Day. If a boy wanted to
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318 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
develop into an extraordinary man, the ceremonial isolation and practice were
extended over years, which he spent alone with his guardian spirit in the moun-
tains, fasting, sweating, and praying, until he gained the desired knowledge.
Boys painted their faces afresh each day, according to their dreams, and did not
let any person see the painted design until after they had obtained their protectors ;
therefore when they returned home, after their excursion in the mountains, they
wore no face-paint. Adolescent boys commenced their regular training when
they dreamed for the first time of an arrow, a canoe, ora woman, This happened
generally between the ages of twelve and sixteen years, They were then made
to run races, with their bows and arrows’‘in their hands, until they sweated, when
they were sent to wash in cold water.
This was done four times on each of
four successive days. During these
days their faces were painted red all
over, and they had to wear a head-
band of cedar or other bark (Fig.
286), or sometimes of deer or other
skin with hair on. The band was
often narrow and twisted. They also
wore deer-hoof ornaments round their
ankles and knees, and used a tube
for drinking through, and a bone to
scratch their heads) They wore
aprons on which were painted designs
symbolizing their future occupations
(see Fig. 302).
On the night of the first day they
had to repair to a mountain-top and
light a fire, and dance and. sing there
all night. The next three nights they repaired to the same mountain-top, or some
other near by, where they spent the night dancing, singing, and praying to the
Dawn of the Day, al. firing arrows at targets in the early morning. They
lighted the fire and prayed, that they might live long and always be healthy. The
fire was also intended, it is said, as a signal to all the world that they had at-
tained puberty. They then left their homes at intervals, and went to the lonely
parts of the mountains, where they remained for from two to ten days at a time.
If the weather were good, they generally staid away a month or two at a time,
living on what game they shot, The first time they returned to the mountains,
they had to stay four days and nights, during which they were supposed to fast.
Some staid eight days. For two days they did not drink.
When at home, they ate sparingly and kept away from the fire, bathing
morning and evening in the nearest creek. On repairing to the mountains, they
took along a water-basket and a fire-drill, also a mat. There they fasted
Fig. 286 (gifs). Boy’s Head-band,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 319
sometimes for many days. They also purged themselves with medicine, made
themselves vomit by running a thin pliable stick, or four smal! sticks tied together,
down their throats, and purified themselves by means of the sweat-bath and by
washing in cold water. This last, however, was not done until the second sojourn
in the mountains, or about ten or more days after the beginning of the ceremonies.
The door of the sweat-lodge always faced the east, and was made of four
sticks thickly interwoven with fir-branches, being movable in one piece, and made
to fit the doorway. There was no rule as to the number of stones used to heat
the sweat-lodge : many used eight, and some only four. The youths often struck
their bodies with nettles while sweat-bathing. When the stones cooled off, they
took them in their arms and ran with them, throwing them in front of them one
after another, and praying that all disease and all laziness might leave them as
these stones did. While in the sweat-lodge they prayed and sang, addressing the
spirit of sweat-bathing, and asking to be made physically strong, agile, wise, brave,
lucky, and wealthy, good hunters, trappers, and fishermen, etc.; also that they
might never be bewitched, nor sick, poor, lazy, easily tired, etc. They addressed
the spirit of sweat-bathing as “ The Sweat-bathing Grandfather Chief.” After
sweat-bathing, they rubbed on their faces and under their armpits withered sun-
flower-leaves which had been pounded up, fine silt or mud sediment gathered off
stones which had been deposited on the river-beach by the summer floods, or the
white dusty covering on bark of cottonwood-trees, This they did that hair might
not grow on their faces, nor their armpits smell bad. Four times they filled their
mouths with water, and gargled their throats, that they might have a sweet breath,
They rolled themselves, naked, in the dew, or washed their bodies with branches
covered with dew. They did not paint quite as much after marriage as before.
Some men were told by their spirit to paint either the left or right side, or to
decorate their clothing in a certain manner, which they always did.
They also went through a system of gymnastics, jumping over sticks or bars
placed between trees, logs, etc. ; ran up and down hills as swiftly as possible, and
without stopping ; and took long runs or walks until fatigued, sometimes shoot-
ing at objects along their path as they ran. All the time they prayed that they might
be made swift of foot, and strong of limb and lungs, They also practised shoot-
ing at marks with bows and arrows, and also shooting in the dark, or in moonlight
and at daybreak. They set up a deer’s humerus horizontally on astick, The bone
was cut crosswise, and the open end was placed toward the marksman. Some-
times immediately above this bone were suspended three additional marks, in the
form of miniature figures of deer made of deerskin stuffed with grass, They
were hung by strings from a branch, one above another. These represented a
buck, a doe, and a fawn. The first-named had antlers, and was hung uppermost ;
the doe, in the middle ; and the fawn, underneath. After dark each night, or in
moonlight, for four successive nights, they fired four arrows at these targets
from a distance of about thirty yards, then went up to the objects to see if they
had hit them. If they had missed them, they went away and ran for about a
“ee "TE
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320 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
mile, then came back and fired four arrows at them again. If they were still
unsuccessful, they continued shooting and running all night, and at daylight
retired to their sweat-baths, where they sweated, and prayed to be made good
marksmen. If a lad did not hit these marks during the first four nights, he would
be a very indifferent hunter; if he hit two of them, he would become a fairly
good hunter; if he hit all of them, he would be a great hunter; if he hit the
buck, he would shoot more bucks than other deer; and so on. If he hit the
bone, he would be a good marksman, and hit animals in vital places. If he gave:
the first squirrel, or chipmunk, or grouse he shot, to some old person to eat, he
would be lucky and shoot more.
He made round holes in rocks or in bowlders with a jadeite adze, which was
held in the hand. Every night he worked at these until the holes were two or three
inches deep. When making them he prayed, ‘ May I have strength of arm;
may my arm never get tired —from thee, O Stone!” This was believed to
make the arm tireless and the hand dextrous in making stone implements of any
kind.
When repairing to certain peaks and lonely places in the mountains, some
youths set up a stone, danced ond sang around it, and finally fired an arrow at
it. If the stone moved or cricd out, it was a sign that their efforts to become
great hunters had been crowned with success.
The ceremonial rites continued until the lad dreamed of some animal or
bird. These particular animals or birds then became his protectors or guardian
spirits for life, and to them he afterward prayed. Besides helping him, and pro-
tecting him from danger, they also became mediums, imparting to him power and
magic, also knowledge concerning the world of the living and that of the dead.
They furnished him with a song, with which he called them up. Some Indians
had only one protector, while others had many ; but of these usually one was chief.
After receiving a guardian spirit, they painted their faces with designs symbolic
of this spirit, often suggested by their dreams. They also decorated their clothing
in accordance with instructions received from the guardian spirit. The lads then
set out with bows and arrows to hunt the subject of their dreams. Having shot
it, they took off the skin, which they preserved entire.
Sometimes a boy would have dreams similar to those of his father, or at
least about the same guardian spirit. Sometimes his father would give him a
piece of the skin or a feather of his own guardian spirit to take with him into
the mountains. This was supposed to help him. Often the boy dreamed about
it, and it thus became one of his guardian spirits. Fathers would sometimes ask
their sons about their dreams, would interpret them, and would give advice in
regard to them.
Many Indians carried about with them wherever they went a bag into which
they put the skin of their guardian spirit. This bag was made of the entire skin
of some bird or animal which was one of the guardian spirits of the person.
Others preferred taking a part of the feathers or skin, and wearing it around their
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 32!
person, especially tied to their hair. It has been mentioned before (p. 219) that
ponchos, neck-bands, etc., were made of the skins of guardian spirits,
Boys at the period of adolescence did not go near the lodge of a menstruat-
ing woman; should they do so, they would bleed at the nose. Asa rule, they
did not touch the winter-house ladder with their hands, because women defiled it
with theirs; but if they did, they had to wash their hands afterward. Youths
when at home never washed in close proximity to married people. If a youth
should enter a sweat-house where a married couple were or had been sweat-bath-
ing together, he would become a poor man,
A young man while training did not drink the brew, or water in which deer
or other flesh had been boiled, as it would make him heavy-footed. He did not
eat berries or roots, or any food prepared by women. He ate only deer and
other animal meat, but especially the former, either fresh or dried, grouse and
other birds, and fresh or dried salmon or trout. .He always ate alone. Lads
painted records, which were pictures representing their ceremonies and their
dreams, on bowlders, or oftener on cliffs, especially in wild spots, like cafions, near
waterfalls, etc. These were generally pictures of animals, birds, fishes, arrows,
fir-branches, lakes, sun, thunder, etc. Figures of women symbolized their future
wives. It was believed that the making of rock-paintings insured long life.
The perforations for nose-ornaments and ear-rings were generally made
about the time of puberty or after the ceremonial training. At the present day a
few females have their ears bored when infants. Tattooing was also done at
about the same time. This applied to both males and females,
Almost all the customs connected with the puberty of males have fallen into
disuse. They are practised by a very few in a much modified form. Those per-
taining to the puberty of females are still maintained to a great extent ; but some
of the old rites have also become somewhat modified either in their observance
or in their form. Sweat-bathing is still very commonly indulged in, especially
by men, but principally for sanitary purposes. The practice of having a cold
bath after each steam-bath, as among the Shuswap and the Okanagon, is
maintained.
The custom of a man or a woman dressing and behaving like a member of
the opposite sex, which is so frequent among the Coast tribes, did not prevail
among the Thompsons, Only two people at Spuzzum were known to do so, but
they were more closely related to the Coast tribes than to the Thompsons, and
spent the greater part of their lives at Yale.
MarriaGE. — Girls were often betrothed while mere infants to men some-
times twenty years their senior. They were considered marriageable only after
they had finished the ceremonies attendant upon reaching the age of puberty.
This was approximately in the seventeenth or eighteenth year, but sometimes the
ceremonies were continued until the twenty-third year. Most of the men married
from three to seven years after finishing the puberty ceremonials, and it may be
said that most of them married between the ages of twenty-two and twenty-five
eee!
7e& VEE a
“ArTa
322 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
years. In most cases the husband was about five years older than the wife; but
it was by no means a rare occurrence for a girl of twenty years to marry a man
of forty or fifty years, in these cases, however, the man was almost always a
widower or already married. Young men very seldom married women much
older than themselves, except in cases where a younger brother had to take his
older brother's widow. At the present day men and women marry at the age of
about twenty and eighteen years respectively. Marriages between young girls
and old men are much rarer than they used to be, while young men quite
frequently marry middle-aged women.
One of the modes of marriage considered the most honorable was that
called “to place down,” probably having reference to the laying-down of presents
before the parents or relatives of the girl sought in marriage. A young man who
desired a girl for his wife sent a relative or some person, generally middle-aged,
to the girl’s parents to lay his intentions before them. This messenger took with
him the presents which the young man proposed to give to the parents, After
stating the object of his visit, he placed the gifts before them. The parents took
them, and, after laying them aside, told the messenger that they would consider
the matter. A meeting of the girl’s nearest kin was then called, and the subject
of the proposed marriage discussed. If all agreed in thinking the young man a
suitable person, the girl was asked if she liked him. If she assented, which she
generally did, not caring to go against the wishes of her relatives, the messenger
was informed of it, and the suitor was invited to the house of the parents of the
intended bride. Offers of marriage were often made at gatherings or public
assemblies, The young man, or, if he was bashful, some man appointed by his
parents, proclaimed before all the people that the suitor made an offer of marriage
to a certain girl, the “ daughter of So-and-So,” and that these were the presents,
at the same time throwing them down, or, if a horse, leading it out. As in the
preceding case, if the offer was refused, the presents were returned; but if the
proposal was accepted, the presents were retained. Although nominally given to
the parents of the girl, they were never retained or used by them, but were
divided among the girl’s blood relatives. Among the Lower Thompsons, wealthy
people, if pleased with the new son-in-law, returned the marriage presents to
him. This custom, however, was exceptional, and may have been introduced
from the Coast tribes, It was only done by some of the rich. Sometimes a part
of the presents only was returned.
In another form of marriage, equally honorable and probably the commonest,
the girl’s family took the initiative. The parents of the girl, having singled out
some young man who they thought would make a good husband to their
daughter, approached him or his parents. If favorably received, they betrothed
their daughter to the young man, who was to come for his bride at some future
date, the time for their meeting being also arranged, They were then looked upon
as man and wife, both parties being thus bound inviolably. In both these forms
of marriage the ceremonies did not end here. The young man, when invited,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 323
did not at once repair to the bride’s house to claim her, but generally waited
several days, until told by his parents to do so. He then went to claim his bride,
staying at her parents’ house several days, Then he took her to his father’s house,
where she was well treated, and not allowed to do any work, After a few days
or weeks, or even a month or more, the young man’s father called the neighbors
together, and informed them of his intention to conduct the newly married couple
back to the house of the bride's father on a certain date, His friends and
neighbors then gave the bridegroom's father presents of food or other articles,
On the day mentioned the people assembled. The father presented his son
with a new suit of clothes, and the mother presented her daughter-in-law with a
similar gift, and these in both cases were immediately put on over the other
ciothes, When the food and presents had been gathered together, the company
started, carrying them; or if they had plenty of horses, the horse carried the gifts,
and the party was mounted. The bride and bridegroom were mounted on two
of the best steeds, generally a present to the former from her father-in-law. On
arriving at the house of the bride’s father, they gave him their presents of food,
“which was immediately cooked, and a feast spread for friends and neighbors.
After that the bride’s father prepared a large teast for his guests. When all the
feasting was at an end, the newly married pair divested. themselves of their new
clothes, and gave them to the bride’s parents, who in their turn gave them to
some of the bride’s kin. The presents were given by the guests nominally to the
parents of the bride, but in reality to the friends of the parents, among whom
they were divided. Another feast was given in the morning, and then the party
returned home, leaving the bride and bridegroom with the relatives of the former.
After a while these friends paid a return visit in the same manner, conducting the
newly married couple back to the parents of the bridegroom, Feasts and presents
were given in the same manner as on the former occasion, the presents being
divided among the friends of the bridegroom’s father to repay them for the pres-
ents given by them to the latter. Suits of clothing were given, as on the former
occasion ; and the married couple, on starting, were mounted on horses presented
to the bridegroom by his father-in-law. On the return of the party, the couple
were left with the relatives of the young man’s father. Here the marriage cere-
monies ended, the couple living with or visiting their respective parents afterward,
just as they felt inclined. Sometimes, if a man’s son had set his heart on a girl
who belonged to another tribal division, and lived a considerable distance away,
the fathe: rolled up the presents, and carried them himself to the house of the
girl’s parents, and there put them down, saying, “I have come to seek from you
a daughter-in-law.” If his son’s suit was accepted, then he went back next
morning, taking his new daughter-in-law with him.
Another form of marriage was that contracted by a man touching a girl's
person, Even if he touched her accidentally, he was compelled to marry her.
A man who touched the naked breasts or heel of a maiden transformed her at
once into his wife, and there was no retraction for either party, so that henceforth
2
24 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
v.
they lived together as maa and wife. If a young man intentionally touched a
young woman with his arrow, it was the same as asking her to become his wife.
If she hung down her head, it was taken as an assent. The girl told her parents
that So-and-So had asked her to marry him, and she wished to do so, Two days
afterward the young man repaired to her house, and if the people called him
son-in-law,” and treated him well, he knew that he was accepted. The man who
cut or loosed one string of the lacing which covered a maiden’s breast, cut her
breech-cloth, or lay down beside her, had to marry her; and she at once became
his recognized wife without further ceremony. Sometimes a young man would
repair to the house of his sweetheart after every one had gone to bed. He knew
where she slept. He would quietly lie down beside her on the edge of her
blanket. Sometimes she would give an alarm, and he would have to run out,
but often she would ask who he was. If she did not care for him, she told him
to leave, or struck him; but if she liked him, she said no more. He lay this way
on top of her blanket, she underneach, neither of them talking, till near daybreak ;
then he crept noiselessly away, just whispering to her “ Good-by.” He would
come and do likewise for three nights more. On the fourth and last night she
would put her arm and hand outside the blanket. ‘This was a sure sign that he
was accepted, therefore he took her hand in his. From that moment they were
man and wife, On the next morning the girl would say to her parents, ‘‘ So-and-
So comes to me. He touched my hand last night.” Then her father would tell
the young man’s people, while her mother would prepare a small feast. The
young man and his parents would repair to the house of the girl's parents, and
the young man would henceforth live with his wife. Sometimes, if the girl’s
parents gave no feast, the lad’s parents did; then the girl’s father took her to his
house, and she lived with her husband and his people. In this, as in ali forms of
marriage by touching, as a rule no presents were given, nor were the ceremonial
visits made,
The opportunities most commonly offered to touch girls were either in the
religious dances (see p. 353) or when the girls returned from washing themselves.
In the former case, any young man who wished a certain girl to be his wife ran
forward and touched her on the breasts or on the heel; in the latter, the young
man generally ran up and embraced the girl, or put his hand on her naked breast
if possible. The young women also had the privilege of touching the young men,
which they generally did on cither the head or the arm. A man, however, was not
compelled to take to wife the girl who had touched him, although he usually did
so, Some girls who touched a man and were not accepted felt greatly ashamed,
and committed suicide.
’arents who refused all offers of marriage to their daughter, and who watched
her too closely to let any of her suitors get a chance to touch her, sometimes had
the mortification of finding that the girl had eloped; even if she were brought
back by the father, he could only deliver her up to the young man, as custom
declared them already married. If a man took a girl away by force, it was
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 325
different; but this very seldom happened, and even elopements were rare.
Young women hindered by their relatives from marrying the man they .desired,
or made to marry some one they did not like, have been known to commit
suicide.
The custom of marriage by “touching” has long been out of use; but the
other forms of marriage still obtain, although they are not so common as the
recently introduced methods of marriage through the chief or by the priest, as
among the whites.
The young people appear before the chief, stating that they wish to live
together as man and wife, The chief then calls a meeting of the people, including
the parents or guardians and the friends of the couple, and declares before the
assembly the object of the gathering, The relatives are then asked their opinion ;
and if all approve, the couple, after shaking hands with each other and receiving
from the chief some good advice on future behavior, etc., are considered married.
Presents are sometimes given to the bride’s parents. The company then shake
hands with the couple, and disperse. If either of the couple wishes afterward to
separate from the other, the chief calls a public meeting to hear the complaints,
and, if sufficient reasons are forthcoming, publicly declares them separated ; but
this is generally a last resource.
There were formerly no restrictions regarding marriage, owing to the fact
that there were no hereditary ranks and classes. ‘There seems, however, to have
been an inclination, on the part of those who were wealthier, more successful, or
more industrious, and so more distinguished, than others, to marry their children
to other wealthy people. The warrior preferred to marry his child to that of
another warrior equally as distinguished as himself ; the hunter, to marry his child
te the child of another hunter, or of some enterprising aud industrious person,
rather than to the child of a fisherman, The Lower Thompsons favored
marriages between members of different villages. Cousins were forbidden to
marry, because they were of one blood, similar to sister and brother; and the
union of distant blood relations was discountenanced, Even if second-cousins
married, they were laughed at and talked about, Ifa man resides with his wife's
people for a year, and makes his home mostly among them, he is considered a
member of that tribe or band. The same is the case with a woman who lives
among her husband's people.
If a man’s w*: died, he was expected to seek another wife among the sisters
or relatives of the deceased wife. A woman, on the death of her husband, became
the property of her deceased husband's nearest male kin, generally of the brother
next in seniority. The right of a man to the widow of his deceased brother was
incontestable, and the widow had equal right to demand from him the privileges
of a husband, and he was bound to support her children, This custom. still
continues to some extent. If aman took to wife the sister-in-law of a man without
his consent, he was generally killed by the wronged individual, and eften the
woman shared the same fate.
Suntgeena Sunahetesahentsbannans rapeaeaaanaans = —
326 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Constancy in woman was highly valued, and was expected by a husband of
his wife. When a woman committed adultery for the first time, or was thought
to have done so, her husband cut off one braid of her hair close to the head.
This made her a mark of ridicule to all the tribe, and she was greatly ashamed.
If she did so again, her paramour was generally shot by the husband, and she
herself either killed or divorced.
Polygamy flourished, very many men having from two to four wives, some-
times all sisters, and not a few having as many as seven or eight ; yet there were
a large number of men who had only one wife. For a man to have several wives
was indicative of wealth. Very few men of the tribe have now more than one wife.
A newly married couple, although sleeping under the same robe, were not
supposed to have connubial connection until from two to seven nights— generally
four nights —- after coming together. The young wife slept with her husband, but
still wore her maiden’s breech-cloth. At last, having had connection with her
husband, she arose before daybreak and repaired to the water, where she washed
herself and spent the day in seclusion. Before leaving in the morning, she left
her breech-cloth near her bed, and in a place where it could be seen. Her mother,
who was on the watch for this, at once picked it up, and then went to her cache
to procure provisions, which she cooked. Then she called all her friends and
neighbors to a feast, which lasted all day. She said to them, “ Our s>i-in-law is
now indeed married, he has a wife;” or, “Our daughter is now an oija person.”
The breech-cloth, which was of thick buckskin, was given to some old woman to
sole her moccasins with. The young wife returned home after sunset, and never
afterward wore a breech-cloth,
CusToMs REGARDING WomMEN.— Every woman of the tribe had to isolate
herself from the rest of the people during every recurring period of menstruation,
and live at some little distance, in a small brush or bark lodge constructed for
that purpose. At these times she was considered unclean, had to use cooking
and eating utensils of her own, and was supplied with food by some other woman.
If she smoked out of a pipe other than her own, it would ever afterward be hot to
smoke. Before being again admitted among the people, she had to change all
her clothes, and wash several times in clear water. The clothes worn during her
isolation were hung up in a tree, to be used next time. or to be washed. For one
day after coming back among the people, she did not cook food. Should a man
eat food cooked by a woman at such times, he made himself incapable of hunting,
and liable to sickness or even death.
To eat in company with, to have any intercourse with, or even to wear clothes
or moccasins made or patched by, a woman during her periods of menstruation,
would give the hunter bad luck, and also cause bears, if they smelt him, to attack
him fiercely. Women never passed in front of the head of a dead deer, mountain-
sheep, or bear, since, for this indignity, these animals might throw sickness on the
woman herself, or cast a spell on the weapons of the hunter who had killed the
animal, Women were not supposed at any time to eat the head of a deer or any
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 327
other large animal ; for it was the most wonderful, and almost considered the
spiritual, part of an animal. The heart and kidneys were looked upon in about
the same sense ; moreover, the mouth of a woman might become twisted if she
should eat the head of a deer. A woman while menstruating did not eat venison
or flesh of other large game, as those animals might be displeased, and she have
an increase of her menstrual flow.
In pitching lodges, the doors were always so placed that women going for
water did not have to pass by the part of the lodge where the people’s heads were
when they slept. The doors were generally toward the watering-places.
The women accompanying a hunting-party were forbidden to smoke while
the men were out hunting, as they would kill no game should the women do so.
Some men forbade the women in camp to eat until sunset, or until the hunters
arrived,
Should a woman, especially one who was menstruating, cross in front of a
gun, the latter was useless for war or for the chase. The owner of the gun
washed it at once in “ medicine,” or struck the woman with it once on each prin-
cipal part of the body, thereby breaking the spell. The same prohibition applied
to other weapons of the chase or war.
When the father of an adolescent girl began to hunt, he often had difficulty
in killing deer. Then he took a piece of wood from a tree which had been struck
by lightning, and, after splitting it up fine, soaked the pieces in water over night.
Next morning he filled the barrel of his gun with the water in which the wood
had been soaked. The gun was allowed to stand over night, and next morning
the barrel was emptied out near the head of his bed. Sometimes the wood itself
was also placed for two nights near his pillow. This was thought to break the
spell, and afterward he elways shot deer or other game.
Buriat Customs oF tHE Upper THompsons, — Immediately after the death
of a person, the body was placed on a temporary platform outside the house, and
covered. At the same time the position of the ladder of the underground house
was changed, generally in such a way that the ladder rested on the north side of
the entrance-hole. It was not restored to its former position until after the body
had been removed. The body was taken off the ladder towards the west side.
The death was at once announced through a messenger to neighbors and friends,
who gathered at the house of the deceased, and were the guests of his relatives
till after the burial, when they returned home. During this time they must not
sleep, else their souls would be drawn away by the ghost. of the deceased or by -
his guardian spirit. After the death of a woman, the provisions which she had
put up the preceding season were immediately spread before the people, who
were asked to partake of them. Whatever was left after this feast was at once
burned outside the lodge. Those who had taken part in the feast went outside,
and made themselves vomit by running slender twigs down their throats. Before,
and sometimes after burial, the relatives and friends of the deceased, especially
women, gave vent to their grief by improvising a mourning song.
5 38 = :
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vast MITA
Ai
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-
328 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
The burial took place generally on the day after the death. Nobody
was allowed to eat, drink, or smoke in the open air after sunset (others say after
dusk) before the burial, else the ghost would harm them. Formerly the corpse
was never washed, no ‘‘ medicine” was put on it, and the face was not painted,
except sometimes in the case of warriors. The hair was generally left loose,
never braided. The ordinary wearing-apparel was left on the body, which was
tied up with bark twine, the knees being bent up so as to meet the chin. It was
then rolled up in skin robes or mats, and buried in a sitting posture, facing the
east, or laid on its left side, the face toward the south. The hole dug for its
reception was circular and shallow.
Sancy or loose soil was preferred as a grave-site, owing to the fact that it was
easier to dig. If a burial took place in the winter, and the ground was frozen,
fires were lighted to thaw it out. The tool used in digging was the ordinary root-
digger made of service-berry wood. Pieces of narrow boards and ordinary baskets
were also used to remove the dirt. Before the body was interred, the grave was
swept out four times with a fir or rosebush branch in a direction following the sun’s
course, to drive away evil influences. The branch was then thrown away toward
the west. The bottom and sides of graves were generally lined with grass, but
occasionally birch-bark was used instead.
Some of the property of the deceased was either buried in the grave or hung
up near it. The objects usually put in the grave were weapons (arrow-heads,
arrow-stones, etc.), tools (fire-drill, stone hammer, horn chisel), personal orna-
ments, and the “ medicine-bag ’ or guardian spirit of the deceased. Pieces of
birch-bark were sometimes placed in the grave. Weapons, after being broken or
otherwise damaged, were also sometimes hung up on a tree near by, or hung
inside the conical tent, if such covered the grave, being tied to one of the poles
or to the top of the tent. Occasionally some of his clothes and fishing utensils
were also hung up. The deer-fence of a deceased person was generally burned,
a new one being erected by his heir in the same place. Snares were burned with
the deceased, or hung near the grave. Only a son strong in “ medicine” would
ever take rossession of his deceased father's medicine-bag, weapons, etc. If
the deceased had dogs, one or more of them were killed, and their skins hung up.
If he possessed horses, some of them had also to accompany him, and their skins
were also hung up near the grave. Sometimes dogs were taken to the grave,
strangled with a rope, and hung to atree or pole. Horses were sometimes shot or
clubbed near the grave, ard left there. If the deceased had many slaves, some of
them were either killed at the grave and their bodies thrown in, or they were
forced into the bottom of the grave, and buried alive. After a sufficient quantity of
earth had been covered over them, their master was put in and buried on top of them,
If a woman died, the baskets in which she had cariied roots, berries, etc., were
huny up near her grave, or in some part of the mountain which she had frequented.
A hole was always made in the bottom, or the basket otherwise damaged, before
being hung up.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 329
After burial, the deceased was addressed by an elderly person, and asked
to take pity on the widow or widower and not to trouble him. Some food was
often thrown on the ground near the grave to be used by the deceased while
visiting his grave, and that he might not visit the house in search of food, causing
sickness to the people.
On the burial of a child, its clothes and cradle were hung up near the grave,
or, if no tree or bushes were at hand, they were buried in the vicinity of the
grave. Sometimes, when a mother died leaving an infant child, the latter was
wrapped up in a robe and buried alive along with the mother, in its birch-bark or
other cradle. This was done because, they say, the child would die, anyway, and
it was often hard to obtain any other woman
to suckle it.
A small heap of bowlders was often
placed on top of the grave to mark its site.
Over most graves were erected conical huts
made of poles covered with bark or with fir-
branches. Others, those belonging to the
richer people, had conical tents made of
skins or mats put over them, Sometimesa
pile of stones was placed inside the tent.
Poles were also erected at many graves, and
on these were suspended many of the arti-
cles belonging to the dead person. The
poles always had the bark peeled off, and
were painted with red ochre their entire
length, or sometimes for a distance of a
few feet above the ground. Some were
marked with circles or with bars one above
another. These, the Indians say, had no
special meaning: it was just customary to
paint them thus.
On many graves, particularly in the
country near Lytton, the canoe of the de-
ceased was placed bottom side up. On
some graves were wooden figures almost life
size or larger than life size, carved as nearly
as possible in the likeness of the deceased
person, whether man or woman (Figs. 287- ig. 287 Fig. 288. Fig. 289.
289). ‘The Indians say that a long time ago igi Lange ee eee, eS
grave figures were not used by the Upper
Thompsons, and that this custom was borrowed from the lower division of the
tribe. East of Lytton very few of these figures were found. The figures were
often painted in the favorite style of the deceased, and had hair glued to the head
4 3
2
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aa
Aer wer tpn
Le ap S32 |
err Mee TS
ve
a ae
ae
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330 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
to give them a natural appearance. Guns and other things were slung around
their shoulders; and they ere frequently dressed in clothes, and the clothes
renewed when they became worn. On these occasions a feast was generally given.
The Indians state that the only reasons for placing these figures near graves
were to keep the dead relative fresh in the memory of the living ; to show that the
person respected the dead relative ; and to let people know who was buried there,
and that the dead had living relatives who were above the common people as to
wealth, and able always to renew the clothes of the figure.
Each group of families had its own burial-ground, which was carefully chosen
in a conspicuous place, at some distance from the village, because they considered
graveyards uncanny places to pass at night. They were not fenced. If a young
child were buried close to some old grave, its mother would have no more chil-
dren, Consequently a young child was always buried some distance away from
old graves.
Until a few years ago wealthy Indians opened the grave of a relative a year
or two after death and occasionally in succeeding years. The bones were gathered
up each time, and put in a new skin robe or blanket, after being carefully wiped
clean. The people called to witness the gathering-up of the bones of a dead
person were feasted by the latter’s relatives. Some people who were poor, who
had no friends, or who happened to die in the mountains or other places distant
from the usual burial-places, were covered with a pile of sticks, bark, and
fir-branches. No further trouble was taken with the body.
If a person who had relatives died on the mountains, his body was at once
carried down to the river-valley if possible ; but if too far away, and if it was hot
weather, it was temporarily buried, or covered over with plenty of brush, bark,
branches, sticks, and stones, and from one to two years afterwards was taken
away and interred in the burial-ground with his kin. If he died in a very distant
place, to which the people did not care to return, or in a strange country, the body
was burned, and the remains, if any, were wrapped up and carried along to be
buried in the family graveyard ; but this rarely occurred.
Bodies of Indians belonging to another tribal division, or bodies of strange
Indians, were often buried temporarily in the place where they died, near or
among other graves, and about two years afterwards were removed by their rela-
tives, and deposited among their kin. The bones were put in a new buckskin or
mat, and then placed in a woven basket lined with grass, Grass was also placed
on the top, and the whole covered with a piece of birch-bark, which was generally
tied on. On arriving at the place of interment, a hole was dug, and the basket
buried entire with its contents.
Sometimes, if the person had few or very poor relatives, the body was not re-
moved ; or if the person belonged partly to the place where he died, and had
relatives living there, it was not as a rule removed.’
'The Athapascan tribe of Nicola Valley are said to have placed the bodies of their dead at the bottom of rock-
slides, and pulled down the sliding bowlders above the body until covered to a depth of two or three feet, Some of
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 331
Sometimes the body of an enemy was merely covered with a pile of sticks, :
etc, or it was extended full length on the back, and buried not very deep in the
ground, If an enemy were killed close to a river, the body was thrown into the
water ; but if within the boundaries of his own country, the body was simply left
on the ground. When human bones were found anywhere on the ground, they
were cleaned and buried.
Those who handled the dead body, and who dug the grave, were isolated for
four days. They fasted until the body was buried, after which they were given
food apart from the other people. They would not touch the food with their
hands, but must put it into their mouths with sharp-pointed sticks. They ate off
a small mat, and drank out of birch-bark cups, which, together with the mat, were
thrown away at the end of the four days. The first four mouthfuls of food, as
well as of water, had to be spit into the fire. During this period they bathed in
a stream, and were forbidden to sleep with their wives. No payments were made
to them; but a present, generally a buckskin, was sometimes given to the assem-
bled people “to wipe away their tears.” The people then cut this skin into small
strips, and divided it among themselves. If there was a large company, each
one’s share did not come to much more than a single strip.
The lodge in which an adult person died was burned. The winter house,
after a death had taken place in it, was purified with water in which tobacco and
juniper had been soaked, and fresh fir-boughs were spread on the floor each morn-
ing. Pieces of tobacco and ju".per were.also placed in various parts of the house.
But if two or more deaths occurred in it at the same time, or in immediate suc-
cession, then the house was invariably burned. Most of the household utensils
of a deceased person were also burned, as well as the bed on which he had died.
The place where the deceased had lain when dying was not occupied for some
time. Then an adult male slept on it four nights in succession. After that it
was considered safe for any one to lie there.
Such property as had not been placed in or near the grave of the deceased
was divided among his relatives, although clothing, etc., was often given to out-
siders, who divided it among themselves; but before wearing it, they always
washed it, or put it for some time in running water, afterward hanging it out for
several days.
Nobody could with impunity take possession of the bow and arrows, long
leggings, and moccasins of a dead man. If any one appropriated the first of
these, the dead man would come back for them, and in taking them away would
also take the soul of the man possessing them, thereby causing his speedy death.
If either of the other two were appropriated, the one who took them would be
visited by a sickness which would cause his feet and legs to swell enormously. It
the Similkameen Indians are said to have also buried in this way, If mountains with rock-slides were too far away,
they placed their dead on the flat open ground, and covered them with a round or conical heap of bowlders which they
gathered from round about. A pole was generally erected at these bowlder-burials, They also buried their dead in
shallow graves, and placed a large heap of stones on the top (see Part VI of this volume). It is said: that the Shuswap
used sometimes to repair in the early morning in a body to graveyards, and spend some time in praying.
332 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
is not safe, except for a person who has a strong guardian spirit, to smoke out of
the pipe of a man who has recently died. The tobacco will burn up in it faster
than usual. This is a sign that the deceased wishes the pipe.
If a man’s traps or snares were desired by his relatives, they were taken some
considerable distance away from either human habitation or graveyard, and hung
up in a tree for a long time before being used.
The first night after the burial of a person, the people of the house to which
the deceased belonged made four miniature figures of deer (two does and two
bucks) out of dry grass. These they suspended on small strings to the roof of
the winter house, and shot at them with arrows made of sharp-pointed sticks until
they fell down, Sometimes the deer would fall down after a few shots, but at
other times not until they were full of arrows. They divined by this whether an-
other death would occur soon or not. If one of the figures fell down with the
first arrow, it was said another death would occur very shortly. If it was a doe,
they said a woman would die. If all the figures had several arrows in them
before they fell down, the people said another death would not take place for a
long time to come.
A string of deer-hoofs with a short line attached was hung across the inside
of the winter house. This was to hinder the ghost from entering. During four
successive nights an old woman pulled at this string frequently to make the hoofs
rattle. Branches of juniper were also placed at the door of the house, or were
burned in the fire, for the same purpose. After a death, the people generally
moved camp to a distance for some time.
The name of a person recently deceased must not be mentioned. Terms of
affinity undergo a change after the death of husband or wife.
If a father or mother died leaving an orphan, the latter was forbidden to eat
venison for two years. Parents bereft of a child did not eat fresh meat for several
months. Children whose mother had died were made to jump four times over
the mother’s corpse. If they were too young to jump, they were lifted by their
friends four times over the corpse, or were made to walk four times past the feet,
Widows or widowers, on the death of their husbands or wives, went out at
once, and passed through a patch of rosebushes four times. They also had to
wander about, either during the hours of the evening or at daybreak, for four days
after the death of the deceased, wiping their eyes with fir-twigs, which they hung
up in the branches of trees, praying to the Dawn, They also rubbed four times
across their eyes a small smooth stone taken from beneath running water, and
then threw it away, praying that they might not become blind. The first four
days they must not touch their food, but ate with sharp-pointed sticks, and spat
out the first four mouthfuls of each meal, and the first four of water, into the fire.
Immediately on the death of husband or wife, they donned a tiatrow head-band
made of the bark of E/@agnus argentet Piitsh. Nowadays a narrow white hand-
kerchief is used instead of this,
For a year they had to sleep on a bed made of fir-branches on which
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
333
rosebush-sticks were also spread at the foot, head, and middle. Branches of bear-
berry, mountain-ash, juniper, sage, etc., were also in the middle of the bed. They
slept with head toward the north, never toward the west. Some widowers slept
with head toward the south, Many wore a few small twigs of rosebush and
juniper in a piece of buckskin on their persons. They did not paint their faces.
They had to wash themselves in the creeks, and clean themselves with fresh
fir-twigs, morning and evening, for a year. The twigs were laid side by side,
with their butt-ends toward the east. If they failed to perform these ceremonies,
they would be visited with sore throat, loss of voice, or loss of sight.
They were also forbidden to eat venison or flesh of any kind, fresh fish,
moss-cakes, sunflower-root, wild cherries, service-berries, and bear-berries, for one
year. Some would eat fresh salmon, if a day or more had passed since it had
been caught. They abstained from smoking for half a year. A widower must
not fish at another man’s fishing-place, or with another man’s net. If he did, it
would make the station and the net useless for the season.
If a widower transplanted a trout into another lake, before releasing it he
blew on the head of the fish, and, after having chewed deer-fat, he spat some of
the grease out on its head, so as to remove the baneful effect of his touch. Then
he let it go, bidding it farewell, and asking it to propagate and become plentiful.
Any grass or branches that a widow or widower sat or lay down on withered
up. If a widow should break sticks or branches, her hands or arms would also
break. She must not pick berries for a year, else the whole crop of berries would
fall off the bushes, or would wither up. She must nut cook food or fetch water
for her children, nor let them lie down on her bed, nor should she lie or sit where
they slept. Some widows wore a breech-cloth made of dry bunch-grass for
several days, that the ghost of the husband should not have connection with her,
A widower must not fish or hunt, because it was unlucky both for himself
and for other hunters. When on horseback, he generally tied 2 small piece of fir-
branch to the horse’s mane or to the horn of the saddle. He «lid not allow his
shadow to pass in front of another widower, or of any person who was supposed
to be gifted with more knowledge or magic than ordinary. If a widow or
widower blows downward on the tips of the fingers, he or she will grow thin.
When they wish to grow stout, they place their finger-ends in front of the mouth
and draw in their breath. If they blow on various parts of the body while
bathing, they will grow stout.
An orphan, widow, or widower ought to eat only few but hearty meals. If
they should eat little at a time and often, they would always be hungry.
On the fourth day after the death had occurred, the widow or widower cut
the hair short, or square across the neck. The detached hair was tied up in a
knot, attached to a stone, and thrown into the river. The same day the widower,
and often the widow, tied buckskin thongs round the right ankle, knee, and wrist,
and round the neck. Sometimes pieces of rosebush-wood were attached to them.
They also wore twigs of fir in their belts or in the bosoms of their shirts, When
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334 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
mourning a father, buckskin thongs were worn on the ankles and knees of both
legs, and also round the neck. These thongs were cut off at the end of a year,
unless they had fallen off sooner. A widower should not marry until they have
fallen off.
The use of conical tents, canoes, and wooden figures at graves has become
altogether obsolete among the Upper Thompsons, For a time, poles on which
were hoisted flags and streamers of different colors, and sometimes guns and
blankets, were used in place of these. People who were well off renewed these
every two or three years, also giving a feast to the people who came to witness
their renewal. This custom has fallen greatly into disuse, and has been succeeded
by the putting-up of neat fences around each grave, and another fence around
the whole graveyard. These fences are painted different colors, white predomi-
nating. Crosses are put up at almost every grave, some of them haying money
nailed to them.
Within the last fifteen years small carved figures of birds, etc., have been
placed on graves by some of the Spences Bridge and Nicola bands, They are
generally placed on top of crosses, on top of the gate-posts, or on the corner-
posts of the graveyard fence. The figures represent roosters, ducks, grouse, etc. ;
also the moon, canoes, etc. They do not, as a rule, represent the guardian
spirit of any person interred there, but are used for ornament only. This custom
was probably copied from the Lower Thompsons, being formerly unknown,
Some people still bury certain articles with the deceased, such as clothes,
shoes, money, etc. ; and several pairs of new blankets are wrapped around or
thrown on top of the coffin. Hats, babies’ cradles, and other articles, are still hung
up near graves by some.
At present, the day about a year after the death of a person is made the
occasion of a large “ paying” day by the relatives of the deceased. This cere-
mony is often confounded by the whites with the potlatch already described (see
p. 297). When the event comes off, the people from all around are called to the
house of the dead person’s chief relative, and are sumptuously feasted by the lat-
ter and his friends for several days. At this time a fence is generally erected
around the grave, the assembly being called out to witness it. After entertaining
the people several days, the relatives of the deceased announce that they are
going to “pay.” The payments consist of money, blankets, horses, etc. The
man who washed the deceased gets a certain amount,,the man who made the
coffin so much, and likewise those who dug the grave, made the fence, ete.
The messenger who went out to announce the death, and the women who cooked
the food for the company, are also liberally paid. If the deceased owed anything
to other people, and they substantiate their claim, these debts are also paid.
Many horses are generally given away to the assembled company “ to wipe away
their tears.” These are sold on the spot to the highest bidder, and the money
divided among the people, each person’s share seldom amounting to more than a
dollar. The payments are made with the same ceremony as in the potlatch. A
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 335
speaker stands up, exhibits the article, and makes a speech with each payment.
The relatives of the deceased sit in a circle in front of the assembly, sometimes
on the opposite side of the fireplace, and their speaker stands near them. While
arranging the payments, the male relatives smoke a large pipe, which is constantly
passed around in the direction of the sun, An old man has to fill it as soon as
it is empty.
Sometimes, at the present day, the relatives of a deceased person will pay
out on these occasions from ten to fifteen horses, about twenty or thirty pairs of
new blankets, fifty dollars or more in money, also guns and other things, besides
the cost of the food required to sustain for several days a hundred or more
people. Very few like to be considered mean or stingy in making payment for
services rendered to a dead relative, therefore they pay liberally in goods, The
buckskin thongs worn by widowers are cut after this festival.
One rather curious custom was peculiar to the Spences Bridge band. When
an adult died, the male ‘relatives of the deceased, after burying and mourning
their friend, said to one another, ‘We are sorrowful: let us wipe away our
tears,” which they did by setting out on the war-path, They did not return un-
til they had “ wiped away their tears,” and stayed their grief, by the slaughter of
one or more enemies, generally Lillooet, after which they settled down to the
usual routine of life. These parties numbered from two or three to upwards of
a dozen individuals, consisting of the nearest male relatives of the deceased and
any outsiders who wished to join. If a stranger were among them, some one
might kill him, and perhaps bury his body, as a funeral offering, within or over
the grave of one of his relatives wio had recently died.
Buriat Customs or THE Lower ‘Fuompsons, — The Lower Thompsons have
a tradition that very long ago they buried their dead; but for many generations
they have followed the custom of placing the bodies in large square cedar boxes,
which were often painted and carved. The boxes had lids, and were supported
by posts, which were also often painted and carved, Each box belonged to a
certain family or group of families, and many bodies were placed in the same box.
When the boxes were full, a new one was made and placed near by. Some of
these boxes had pitched roofs. Poles and grave figures were put up around the
boxes. Articles of clothing and other offerings were often attached to these. It
was permitted to remove an article hung up in this way, provided it was replaced
by some other similar article, although inferior in quality. Streamers were flying
from the tops of the poles as a token of respect to the deceased.
A few old burial-places consisted of a staging erected on poles or posts.
The bodies were wrapped in mats of cedar-bark in a sitting position, and deposited
in boxes or on the stagings. Carved figures and poles surrounded these burial-
places also. This method of disposing of their dead was the only one practised
near Spuzzum, the custom being probably copied from the Coast tribes. The
Lower Thompsons made grave figures much more frequently than the Upper
Thompsons. One figure, which is said to have been near the village at Boston
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Bar, was made in the form of a man of colossal stature, having a hole in its back
large enough for a person to squat inside. It was used as a receptacle for
the dead while awaiting burial. The Lower Thompsons also put up carved
wooden figures of birds, sometimes of quadrupeds, at graves, instead of the usual
grave-figures representing a man or a woman. Grave-figures were manufactured
in solitary places. If they were seen before being finished, the artists would not
be able to finish them properly.
The bones of a deceased relative were frequently taken up, bundled together,
and re-covered with new material, as among the upper divisions of the tribe. As
it was usual to give a large feast at such times, the custom was confined in a large
measure to the wealthy.
Through the influence of the missionaries and the whites, the Lower
Thompsons have now adopted the custom of bury‘ng their dead. They have
removed their o!d grave-boxes, and buried the contents. In some instances,
where the boxes were of comparatively recent construction, built of lumber in the
shape of a house, they have allowed them to stand, and have buried the bones
inside. The last grave-box was treated thus in 1898.
In the same year the people at Spuzzum, while digging into a bank for gold,
came accidentally on a prehistoric burial-ground near the mouth of Spuzzum
Creek. This site was quite unknown to the present inhabitants of the neighbor-
hood. The bones were found, in some places, nearly fifteen feet below the
surface, as the wind had caused an accumulation of sand over them. Others
were covered to the depth of five or six feet only. During the early part of the
century the Spuzzum people had a large grave-box over this spot. About twenty
skeletons were dug out, all apparently buried on the same level, and in a circle
around ashes which seemed to be the remains of a large lodge fire. They had
been interred in a sitting posture, and some of them had evidently been wrapped
in birch-bark. With many of the skeletons were found stone hammers and
z.dzes, long stones similar to files, dentalia, grisly-bear claws, and, with one skele-
ton, a copper club (see Part III, Fig. 82). The Indians removed all the bones,
and reburied them in the present graveyard of the Spuzzum people. Near this
grave-site are the remains oi some very old winter houses,' some of them showing
holes from six to eight feet deep. %Jn the centre of these are growing large wil-
low and alder trees. It seems probable that this may have been the burial-ground
of the ancient inhabitants of these houses. This burial-place recalls the customs
of the Lillooet, who sometimes buried a person in the lodge, not far from the
fireplace, afterward removing the lodge. Then, when the next relative of the
man thus buried died, he was placed alongside the first body. So, eventually,
where the lodge had been, there was a graveyard with a circle of bodies around
the old fireplace. The Lillooet also sometimes used birch-bark for lining the
grave, or for wrapping or covering the body.
' According to some Indians, the same ones as those mentioned ir iraditions of the Lower Thompsons.
XII. — RELIGION.
ConcEPTION OF THE WorLD.—The earth is believed to be square, the corners
directed toward the points of the compass. Some believe it to be nearly circular.
Lytton is the centre of the world, because here Coyote’s son, when returning
from the sky, reached the earth.' The world is comparatively level in the centre,
but very mountainous near its outer edge. It is surrounded by lakes, over which
hover clouds and mists. The earth rises toward the north, and for this reason it
is colder in te northern parts. All the rivers rise in the north, and flow south-
ward into the lakes surrounding the earth. East and west are the two most im-
portant points of the compass. North and south are but seldom mentioned.
Centre, zenith, and nadir are of still less frequent occurrence in tales or rituals.
Consequently four is the mystic number that occurs in all ceremonials and mytis,
while seven is rare.
Mountains and valleys were given their present form by a number of trans-
formers who travelled through the world (Te1tT, 4za., p. 19). The greatest of
these transformers was the Old Coyote, who, it is said, was sent by the “ Old
Man” to put the world in order. At the same time three brothers named
Qoa'qiqat travelled all over the country, working miracles, There lived still
another transformer, whose name was Kokwé'la (Peucedanum macrocarpum
Nutt.). The brothers were finally transformed into stone, while the Old Coyote
disappeared, and retreated to his house of ice. Then the Old Maa travelled over
the country. The beings who iuhabited the world during the mythological age,
until the time of the transformers, were called spéta’‘kt. They were men with
animal characteristics. They were gifted in magic, and their children reached
maturity in a few months. They were finally transformed into real animals.
Most of the rocks and bowlders of remarkable shape are considered as trans-
formed men or animals of the mythological period. At that time it was very hot
and windy, and, according to the Lower Thompsons, very dry.
There are three rocks situated about five miles east of Spences Bridge.
These are called ‘ the privates of the Coyote and of the Coyote’s wife, and their
basket kettle” (Plate XIX, Fig. 2). It is said that the Coyote and his wife were
cooking a meal at this place when the Qoa’qiqa passed along. They tried to kill
the Coyote and his wife by their magic, but failed, owing to the superior magical
powers of the Coyote. They managed, however, to turn the parts of the Coyote
and his wife above mentioned into stone, and also their basket kettle.
Cold winds are caused by a people who live far to the north, where earth and
sky meet. When they leave their house, a cold wind begins to blow. Hot winds
are made in the same way, by another people who live far south. In former times
these peoples uscd to make war on each other, thus exposing the earth to alter-
nate spells of hot and cold winds, These wars were ended by the marriage of the
' Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by James Teit, pp. 25, 104.
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338 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
daughter of the chief of the south to the son of the chief of the north. Their
child was eventually thrown into the water, and became the ice drifting down the
river (TET, /d¢d., p. 55).
In one legend (Terr, /6¢d., pp. 87, 118) the wind is described as a man witha
large head, and a body so thin and light that it fluttered about and could not re-
main on the ground. In the beginning the Wind blew a gale all the time; but
he was snared by a young man, and released only after he had promised to
moderate.
The thunder is said to be a bird a little larger than a grouse, and of some-
what similar shape. Some describe the color of its plumage as wholly red ; while
others say that it resembles the female blue gre-.e, but has large red bars abcve
its eyes, or has a red head, or some red in its plumage.
The Thunder-bird shoots arrows, using his wings as a bow. The rebound of
his wings in the air, after shooting, makes the thunder. For this reason, thunder
is heard in different parts of the sky at once, being the noise from each wing.
The arrow-heads fired by the Thunder are found in many parts of the country.
They are of black stone and of very large size. Some Indians say that light-
ning is the twinkling of the Thunder's eyes.
Fog or mist is said to be the “steam of the earth,” which rises when it is
heated ; while some say it is caused, or was originated, by the Coyote. When he
turns over, fog comes.
In the beginning there were no lakes and rivers, They originated after a
deluge, which also carried fish into the ponds. Only the Coyote and three men
escaped the deluge (Te1T, /é/d., p. 20). Fire and water were in the possession of
certain animals, and had to be liberated in order to become common property
(Tet, /é2d., pp. 56-58).
The Indians believe in the existence of a great many mysterious beings,
The “land mysteries” are the spirits of mountain-peaks. In the lakes and at
cascades live ‘‘ water mysteries.” Some of these appear in the form of men or
women, grisly bears, fish of peculiar shape, etc., emerging from the water,
Any person who may happen to see these apparitions will die shortly afterward.
The lakes and creeks in the high mountains to the west and south of Lytton are
noted for being frequented by these mysteries, People passing within sight of
these places always turn their faces away from them, lest they might see these ap-
paritions, and die. Between three mountains near Foster's Bar a lake is situated
in which strange mysteries may be seen, such as logs crossing the lake with dogs
running backward and forward on them, canoes crossing without occupants, and
ice changing into people who run along the shore, all of which finally vanish. To
see these is considered an evil omen.
A lake in the mountains near the country of the Coast tribes has never been
known to freeze over, no matter how cold the weather. There is sometimes seen
on its waters an apparition in the shape of a boat with oars, manned by Hudson
Bay employees, dressed in dark-blue coats, shirts, and caps, and red sashes, They
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 339
always appear at the same end of the lake, and row across tc the other end, where
they talk with one another in French. Then they row back as they came, and
disappear. If four men are seen in the boat, it is considered a good omen; but
if eight men, the reverse is the case, and the person seeing the apparition will
become sick, or will die shortly afterward.
A lake at the head of Salmon River becomes very tempestuous as soon as
people touch its waters. They appease it by throwing the white inner bark of the
cedar on its waters.
The Indians claim that some of the rock paintings to be found in their
country, especially those on rocks which overlook water, are the work of the
spirits of those places. One of these was on a rock facing the pool between the
little and big waterfalls of Waterfall Creek, near Spences Bridge. The pictures
were made in red paint, and represented the sun, the stars, the coyote, wolf, grisly
bear, etc. They were at one time very plain, but within the last few years have
become obliterated. The Indians say that this is a sign that the “spirit” has left
the place. Another painting of this description was above Neqa’umin Waterfall,
near Thompson Siding. Still another was on a cliff overhanging Nicola Lake,
not far from Kwiltca'’na. This painting is said to be still visible. The Indians,
while passing below in canoes, avoid looking at the place, because, if they do so,
they say the wind will immediately commence to blow.
Another painting is on a rock overlooking Kamloops Lake, not far from
Savona. This picture is also ascribed by most Indians to a supernatural agency,
while some claim that it was painted by the Shuswap to commemorate a victory
gained at that place by the latter over a war-party of Thompson Indians.
The Lower Thompsons believe in different kinds of monsters to be met
with occasionally in the mountains; as, for instance, a human body of a white
color, without any limbs, which constantly rolls over the ground, uttering cries
like an infant. A person who sees any of these monsters will die shortly after.
ward. Such monstrosities as these seem to be unknown to the upper divisions of
the tribe. On some cliffs, pictures in brilliant colors are seen, which vanish as
suddenly as they appear.
The Upper Thompsons believe in a race of dwarfs who inhabit steco cliffs
and forests. They are just like men; but their skins are pale, and their bodies
very gaunt. They are only about two feet tall. They wander around the moun-
tains, sometimes shouting, groaning, or weeping. Their eyes are sunk very deep
in their heads, They run away from hunters, and go into inaccessible places.
Some Indians had them for their ‘ guardian spirits.” The Spences Bridge
Indians claim not to have seen any for the last fifteen years. Formerly they
were very numerous in the Okanagon country.“ The lower Thompsons say that
they can make themselves visible or invisible at will. According to their ideas,
the dwarf women do not exceed three feet in height. A fev of the men, how-
ever, are tall, surpassing the tallest Indians in stature; but none of them are of
medium height. They all wear clothes similar to those formerly worn by the
340 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITIS!1 COLUMBIA.
Indians, but have never been seen with bows and arrows. They inhabit low, dense
forests, or live in dense woods in the mountains, It is said that they never kill,
steal, or chase people. Some people believe they are cedar-trees, or their spirits,
and that they have the power of transforming themselves. They are rather
fond of joking, and playing tricks on people. They tel! of a man who was
making a cedar canoe. Feeling tired, he stuck the wedge that he had been using
into the wood, lay down, and fell asleep. He was awakened by the touch of a
hand, and beheld a dwarf standing before him, with the wedge in his body. The
dwarf said to him, ‘“ Why do you stop working at me? You ought to cut me up
quickly. I will give you some advice. When you wish to make a canoe, always
paint your face red, and the wood will work easier.” Having said this, the dwarf
vanished, They also tell of a woman who was sleeping over night in the forest.
About daybreak a dwarf, seeing her asleep, pushed a piece of burnt cedar-wood
into her. She awoke, and, after freeing herself of it, went to camp and told the
people. They wished to find the perpetrator of the trick, therefore they followed
the trail of the dwarf, who could be traced by pieces of charcoal which he had
dropped as he went along. Eventually all traces of him disappeared; and the
people, looking around, saw a large piece of charcoal on the side of a cedar-tree.
Beings of another kind are occasionally seen. They are of the same size
aad height as ordinary people, but naked, like dwarfs and ghosts, and of a ghost
color, They are very gaunt, the shape of all their bones and joints being visible.
Their eyes are very large and round, and protrude from their heads. Like
ghosts, they chase people, but are more: persistent. If a person chased by a
ghost turns off the path, the ghost will generally stop when he comes to that
place, and will follow no farther; but this being will continue his pursuit regard-
less of obstacles. When he overtakes a person, the latter faints, unless he be a
man of great mysterious power.
According to the beliefs of the Upper Thompsons, giants about thirty feet
tall inhabit the Okanagon country, and were quite numerous in the Upper
Thompson country until forty or fifty years ago. They have no upper eyelids,
_and never sleep. They dress in bear and deer skins, and hunt game, which they
run down. They can be recognized at a great distance by their strong and
peculiar odor ; and even their tracks, and branches of trees which they have
touched while passing, smell for a long time after they have gone by. These
giants are very powerful, and can carry a grisly bear or an elk on their backs with
the greatest ease. Their homes are in caves situated in precipitous rocks.
They never harm people, but are believed to have run away with women from
the Nicola and Okanagon. They are fond of fish, and sometin:es go to the
river or lakes when the Indians are fishing, causing a sleepiness to fail over them
while they are helping themselves to the fish. “The Lower Thompsons believe that
these giants do not live in their own country, but that they come down occasionally
from that of the Okanagon and Upper Thompsons. They dress in bear or dog skins.
Some wear long black robes, while others again go almost naked, Sometimes.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 34!
they chase or steal people’ They are not known to have any weapons. Once a
giant is said to have chased two hunters, who sought refuge in a large fir-tree.
Presently this giant was joined by two very tall friends, who tried in vain to
reach the hunters, The latter shot at the giants, who caught the arrows in their
hands and broke them. After a while one of the giants discovered that he had
lost his dogskin apron, and seeined very much concerned about it. They all
concluded to go in search of it, and left the hunters, who then came down from
the tree, and went home.
High mountains are believed to be the residence of the Old Man (Terr,
[bid., pp. 50, 109), who, by scratching his backside, makes rain or snow. Accord-
ing to others, he makes rain by urinating. The Lower Thompsons believe that
an old woman makes rain and snow. The Coyote’s house is said to be in a
glacier; according to others, in the upper world. The latter is described as a
prairie occupying the top of a plateau with steep sides (Tet, /d¢d,, p. 23).
The ideas held by the Indians regarding the Sun are conflicting. He
appears as accannibal. In the beginning he was too near the earth, and moved
away only on receiving presents (TEIT, /é¢d., p. 53). In another tradition he is
said to have been a chief at Lytton (Te17, /éed., p. 54). A halo round the sun
or moon is termed by them “entering the house” or “ forming the house,” and is
said to portend cloudy weather, rain, or snow.
Sun-dogs are called ‘‘ throwing away his children.” When the Sun gets tired
of one kind of weather, he becomes angry and throws away or turns out his
children, it is said. Therefore, when cold weather prevails and a sun-dog is seen,
it is a sure indication of mild weather, and vice versa.
The Moon was formerly an Indian. He would be as bright as the Sun, if his
sister, the Hare or Frog, did not sit on him. At one time, when the Moon had
invited the Stars to his house, it was so crowded that there was no room for his
sister to sit down, and she jumped on his face, where she has remained ever since.
Whenever it threatens to snow or rain, he builds a house (the halo) and enters
it. The cirrus clouds are the smoke of his pipe. He always holds his pipe in his
hand. Therefore it is seen in the moon, where also the basket which he uses as
a hat may be seen (Tet, /éz¢., p. 91). The waxing and waning of the moon is
caused by the position of the sister’s shadow. At full moon, her shadow does
not fall on his face ; at new moon it is entirely obscured oy her shadow. In other
legends the Lower Thompsons describe the moon as the light carried by one of
their transformers.
The stars are generally considered as transformed people. In one legend
they are described as roots growing in the upper world (Tet, /é¢d., p. 22).
The Pleiades are called “bunch” or “cluster.” They are the friends of the
Moon (Tet, /écd,, p.91). The Indians used to tell the time of night by them,
reckoning by their position in the sky. The star that follows the Pleiades is
called ‘ the dog following on their trail.” The Morning Star is called “ the bright
face,” or “bringing in the daybreak.” The Great Bear or Dipper is called
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342 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
“grisly bear.” The three stars of the handle of the Dipper are said to be three
hunters in pursuit of the bear. The first one was brave and fleet of foot, and fast
gaining on the bear. The second was slower, and leading a dog, the small com-
panion star. The third was afraid, and not very anxious to overtake the bear.
They were all in this position when turned into stars. Another star is called the
“swan.” Others behind it are called the “canoe.” The latter was said to be
filled with hunters in pursuit of the swan. Still others are called “women
engaged in roasting roots,” “fishermen fishing with hook and line,” “ weasel’s
tracks,” “arrows slung on the body.” These are said to have been a hunter
carrying his bows and arrows. The Lower Thompsons believe the Dipper to be
the Transformers, the children of the Black Bear turned into stars. The Milky:
Way is called “the trail of the stars,” or “what has been emptied on the trail of
the stars.” It is also called “ the gray trail,” or ‘‘the tracks of the dead.”
The Rainbow is said to have once been a man, a friend of the Thunder, who
was in the habit of frequently painting his face with bright colors.
The country of the souls is underneath us, toward sunset. The descrip-
tion of the trail leading there is contained in reports of visits of shamans to the
lower world. The trail leads through a dim twilight. Along this trail are visible
the tracks of the people who last went over it, and the tracks of their dogs, if they
had any with them. The trail winds along until it meets another road, which is
a short cut used by the shamans when trying to intercept a departed soul. From
this point on, the trail is much straighter and smoother, and is painted red with
ochre. After a while it winds to the westward, descends a long gentle slope,
and terminates at a wide shallow stream of very clear water. This stream is
spanned by a long slender log, on which the tracks of the souls may be seen.
After crossing the bridge, the traveller finds himself again on the trail, which
now ascends until it reaches a considerable height. On this height is heaped up
promiscuously an immense pile of clothes. This is the place where the souls
leave the belongings which they bring with them from the land of the living.
From here onward the trail seems to be perfectly level ; and as the man goes
on, the dimness or darkness which has hitherto overhung the trail gradually
disappears.
Three guardians are stationed along the trail of the souls, — one on this side
of the river, the second one between the river and the land of the ghosts, and the
third one at a lodge which is situated at the end of the trail of the ghosts. The
first of these has a sweat-house quite close to the trail, in which he spends most
of his time. It is their duty to send back souls whose time to enter the land of
the ghosts has not come. But some souls pass the first two of these men unmo-
lested, only to be turned back by the third one, who is considered their chief, and
who is an orator who sometimes sends messages to this world with returning
souls, All these men are described as very old, gray-headed, wise, and venerable-
looking. At last the soul reaches the door of the large lodge at the end of the
trail. The lodge is made of hard white material similar to limestone or to hard
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 343
clay. It extends a long distance from east to west, while it is much shorter from
north to south. Its top is rounded, and similar in shape to an ant-hill. Seen
from the east, it looks like a rounded mound. There is a doorway at the east
end, and another one at the west end. The trail leads up to the eastern door,
while the entrance to the land of ghosts is through the west door. Throughout
the length of the lodge is a double row of fires. The eastern entrance is just
large enough to let a soul pass through, while the western doorway is much higher
and wider. There are always some people in the lodge. When the deceased
friends of a person expect his soul to arrive, they assemble in this lodge to
welcome him and talk about his death. On top of the lodge, or near the east-
ern doorway, is stationed one of the old men before mentioned. When the
deceased reaches the door, he hears people on the other side, talking, laughing,
singing, and beating drums. Some people who stand at this door welcome him
and call out his name. On entering, a wide country
of diversified aspect spreads out before him. There
is a sweet smell of flowers, an abundance of grass, and
all around berry-bushes laden with ripe fruit. The air
is pleasant and still, and it is always light and warm.
More than half the people are dancing and singing to
the accompaniment of drums. All are naked, but do
not seem to notice it. The people are delighted to
see the new-comer, take him up on their shoulders, run
around with him, and make a great noise.
Many Indians say that the traditional account of
the spirit-land describes the souls as clad in clothes
similar to those they were accustomed to wear while
in the body. Others describe many of the people as
living in lodges; but they claim that there are no
fires to be seen, nor winter houses.
In another tale the way to the country of the
souls is described as leading over a lake which must
be crossed in a canoe. After several days’ paddling in
a dim atmosphere, it grows lighter, and the shores of .
the country of the souls are seen. Fig. 290 shows a tha: dos,“ Weabee Walie dcteaiias
sketch drawn by an Indian, illustrating his conception ing fom the earth tothe land of she not
of the world. dnd dancog souls; res" curroundlng the
There is a current belief, although somewhat Si Wi Points of the compass,
vague with many of them, that certain animals have
worlds of their own, which are situated underground, and the entrances to which
are hidden. Animals are born there, and consequently are very numerous in
those worlds, They wander out into our world; and some of them are born,
live, and die in it, but many of them go back to their own world at times. Then
these animals are scarce in this world for a time. Some say that the spirits or
ee leat STR eon) sa A ae in 1 2
344 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
souls of animals, except those of horses and dogs, go to their own respective
worlds, Others say that they all go to the same land to which human beings go.
Animals wander around in this world to benefit mankind; but as soon as the
Indian ill-uses them, or does not need them, they return home. e
Some Indians believe that the deer and other game were provided by nature
for the Indians, and not for the whites, As long as the Indians required them,
they were plentiful ; but when the Indians become extinct there will be none.
This they say is proved by the fact that as the Indians decrease in numbers, so
do also the deer and other game, although they are not hunted by the whites.
PRAYERS AND OBSERVANCES. — The prayers and observances of the Thomp-
son Indians were founded on their belief in mysterious powers pervading all na-
ture. The stars, the dawn, mountains, trees, and animals were all believed to be
possessed of mysterious powers. It is not clear whether, in their prayers, the
Indians supplicated any of the Transformers or other important personages ap-
pearing in their myths, In all their old prayers the spirit supplicated was simply
addressed ‘“‘ Thou” or “Chief.” They say the chief objects of prayer were the
fulfilment of their desires, and protection from harm. A person who prayed
would be better preserved from danger of all kinds, and was more liable to be-
come possessed of wealth, than one who did not pray. Prayer is a mystery.
The mind of a person who made fun of prayer was sure in a short time to become
deranged, or some bodily affliction would seize on him. Indians seldom or never
made fun of prayer. It would seem that only the sun, the dawn of the day, the
rain, tops of mountains, certain lakes, the spirit of sweat-bathing, and perhaps also
the Old Man, can in any way be considered as tribal deities. All the others
were guardian spirits that were individually acquired.
Certain parts of the high mountains, especially peaks or hills, were con-
sidered sacred, being the residence of “‘ land mysteries” (see p. 338). Some of these
places, when trodden upon by human foot, were always visited by snow or rain.
In other places, snow or rain fell only when they were trodden upon or visited by
a stranger for the first time. Indians, therefore, when hunting in the vicinity of
these places, visited them, and appeased the spirits by making an offering to them,
thus insuring good weather during their stay, and good luck while hunting.
These offerings generally consisted of a lock of hair, a rag from the clothing, a
little powder, a few shot, a piece of tobacco, a stone, and so on.
The women, when picking berries or digging roots on certain mountains,
always painted their faces red. In general, they paint their faces wholly red be-
fore coming in sight of certain lakes, that they may be favored with good weather
and good fishing. The paint is considered as an offering to the spirits. Some-
times, when they came in sight of these lakes, they made the sign of good will or
blessing (see p. 287), and prayed to them to give them good weather and plenty
of fish. They also did this to some of the mountain-peaks near their hunting-
grounds.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 345
One place of this kind is on the west side of Fraser River, opposite Fosters
Bar, in the country of the Upper Fraser band. There are three high mountains
here,— the highest one in the middle, called A’moten, which is believed to be a
mang and his wives on each side, called Ntséké'lxtin and Se'iyuk. If an Indian
at any time takes a stick, and threatens to strike, or makes the motion of strik-
ing, A’moten with it, it will at once rain. The mountain Kazik, near Lytton,
was also believed to possess supernatural power. When a person who had a
strong guardian spirit pointed at it, it would rain. Still another mountain of
this kind is the peak Skoid’iks, north of Spences Bridge.
Roots, etc., growing near a haunted or mysterious lake, should not be dug
or gathered. Vegetation near such a lake is called its “blanket.” Swamp-
grass and reeds growing in the water of the lake are called its “hair.” The lake, if
robbed of its blanket, will take revenge by visiting sickness, bad luck, or death
upon the root-gatherer, or by sending an apparition or death-warning to the
person, shortly after which the offender herself, or one of her near relatives,
will die.
Some of the first berries picked each season were given as an offering to
the earth, or more generally to the mountains. The offering was made by an
old gray-haired person, who at the same time danced, and held the fruit out to-
ward the mountain-tops. Before addressing the latter in particular, the word
“qai/las” was repeated twice. This was perhaps a term of address, or the
name of the earth or mountain deity, after the manner of Indians praying in the
sweat-house, who address the deity presiding over the act of sweat-bathing as
“‘kwalu’s” or ‘“swalu’s.” The people painted their faces red, and danced for
some little time.
When wishing to put an end toa spell of heavy rain, the Indians prayed to
the Rain. The supplicant held in the fire for a short time a stick about three
feet long and two inches in diameter, then described a circle with it, commencing
near the east, and following the sun’s course until it reached the east again, to-
ward which quarter he held the stick, and addressed the Rain as follows:
“Now then, you must quit raining, the people are miserable. Ye mountains,
become clear.” The stick was again placed in the fire, and then a circle was
described with it in the same manner, commencing in the east, and following the
sun’s course around to the east again, and stopping in the south, to which quarter
the stick was pointed, and the previous address repeated. The stick was again
passed through the flames, and other circles were described, stopping at the west
-and then at the north, each quarter being addressed as before. The stick was
then thrown into the fire, and the supplicant sat down or smoked.
In spring the warm Chinook Wind was prayed to: ‘ Remain thou indeed,
and blow and dry up the earth. It is good that thou camest.”
Every morning one of the oldest members of each household went out of
the house at the break of day, and prayed to the Dawn. The Dawn of the Day
346 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
was believed to have the power to cure hernia, if supplicated through the medium
of an adolescent girl. Just before daybreak the girl put some charcoal in her
mouth, which she chewed up fine, and then spat it out on the swelling. This she
did four times, and then addressed the Dawn of the Day as follows: “ O Day-
dawn ! thy child relies on me to obtain healing from thee, who art mystery. Re-
move thou the swelling of thy child. Pity thou him, Day-dawn !”
On account of their belief that the Thunder shoots the ordinary thunder
arrow-heads, and tail-feathers of the red-shafted flicker, which sets on fire any-
thing it touches, the Indians attached feathers of this bird to arrows which they
shot at enemies’ houses. They also made arrows intended to fire houses from
wood of trees struck by lightning, or tied a splint of such wood to their ordinary
arrows. — uring a heavy thunderstorm the men bit their dogs’ ears, so as to
make them howl. This was believed to drive the thunder away.—To kill a frog
may cause rain.—The death of a grisly bear, black bear, or big-horn sheep, may
cause a change in the weather.—T he Indians were afraid to point at the rainbow,
because, if they did, their fingers would become covered with sores. If they
wished to point at it, they first wet their little finger in their mouth, or spat on it.
Owing to the mysterious powers which animals and plants were believed to
be possessed of, numerous customs were observed intended to propitiate them.
Women, widows and widowers, and other unclean persons, had to treat them with
particular care (see p. 333). When a lad killed his first deer, he gave it to
the people to eat. When a deer was killed, it was said that the rest of the deer
would be well pleased if the hunters butchered the animal nicely and cleanly.
To waste the meat of a deer displeased the animals, who would not allow them-
selves to be shot by the hunter. If a hunter was overburdened, and had to leave
behind some of the meat of a deer, it was said that the deer were better pleased
to have the meat of their friend, viz., of the deer shot, hung up in a tree rather
than left on the ground. The intestines of the quarry, which in some cases
were not taken away by the hunter, were collected, and placed where the blood
had been spilt while butchering. The whole was then covered with a few fir-
boughs. The hunter, while he covered it, told the other deer not to be sorry be-
cause of the death of their friend, or because he had left some portion of the
body behind, since he had done his best in covering it. If he neglected to cover
I the remains, it was thought that the deer would feel sorry or angry, and
would cause him bad luck in hunting.
Occasionally deer-heads were left by overburdened hunters. _In such cases
they were generally placed on the branch of a tree, so as to be beyond all con-
taminating influences, particularly those of women or dogs. If a deer-hunting
party had bad luck, they staid in camp for a day or two, sweat-bathing, singing,
and praying to their guardian spirits to give them success, and also asking the
deer to present themselves to be shot at. Deer's bones were always burned by
the hunters while on hunting-trips, as a safeguard against the spell resulting
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TE!T, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 347
from any woman who happened to come in contact with the fresh bones, or from
any dog which might take a bone in its mouth, It was considered lucky for the
hunters to roast and eat some small part of each deer killed by them, im-
mediately after butchering it.
When a party was unsuccessful at deer-hunting, it was sometimes said that
the deer were waiting for some other animal to die first. The hunters then
kille¢ some animal that happened to cross their path, and which was supposed to
be the cause of their failures.
No hunter would give a deer’s head to, nor would he eat with, a man who
was the first or second born of a family. The deer would become very wild, and
hard to shoot, if he did so. Hunters, in telling their friends what they had shot,
generally called a buck a “doe ;” a doe, a “fawn ;” and a fawn, a “hare.” This
was done that they should not displease the deer by boasting, and also that other
hunters might not take offence.
Deer-meat was never taken in through the common door or entrance of a
lodge. In the hunting-lodge, meat was taken in through a hole in the back of
the structure, because the common door was used by women.
When the father of an adolescent girl began to hunt, the deer were shy,
and ran away from him.
A hunter wishing to insure success, especially in bear-hunting, went through
a process of sweat-bathing. While in the sweat-house, he sang to his spirit,
supplicating him for success on his hunt. Often the bear itself was addressed,
and asked to make its appearance, that it might be shot. The grisly bear was
asked not to be angry with the hunter, nor to fight him, but rather to have pity
on him, and to deliver itself up tohim. The grisly-bear hunter must abstain from
sexual intercourse for some time before going on his hunt. The bear, before
being killed, is believed to be forewarned of its death by signs, just like people.
When a bear was killed, the hunter who had killed it, and also his companions,
painted their faces in alternate perpendicular stripes of black and red, and sang
the bear song. Sometimes he prayed also, thanking the bear for letting itself be
killed so easily, and asking that the mate of the slain might share a similar fate.
When the flesh of the bear’s head had been eaten, the skull was tied to a small
treetop, as high up as could be reached, and left there. The hunters who placed
the skull there, painted their faces the same as on the former occasion, If this
were not attended to, the bears would take offence, consequently the hunter
would not be able to kill any more. To place the heads of bears or any large
animal on trees or stones was a mark of respect to the animal. Sometimes
horses’ heads were thus treated.
Bears always hear what people say about them, therefore a man who intends
to go bear-hunting ought to be very careful what he says about them or about
his preparations for killing them, because they will avoid him.
A certain part of the entrails of the beaver was said to bear some resemblance
to the form of aman. This part was always taken away by the hunter or trapper,
348 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
and thrown into the water. The Indians sometimes divined, by this part of the
beaver, whether any person in the vicinity would die soon, and at what time.
Most of these customs are still observed to a greater or less extent.
While all the Coast tribes had elaborate ceremonies and regulations
regarding the first salmon of the season, no such customs prevailed among the
Thompsons, Children must not swim in the rivers during the month of Septem-
ber, because this was believed to disturb the salmon-run, and the children would
be liable to be drowned. — Men who made a practice of fishing sturgeon kept
their lines and hooks, and even bait, hung up some distance from their house, so
as to be beyond all contaminating influences, —If a man dreamed of ghosts
during the night, he need not go sturgeon-fishing the next day, because he would
catch nothing. — Indians have a custom of taking live trout from lakes or streams,
and transplanting them into lakes where there are none. Sometimes the fish
propagate and become plentiful where introduced. The fish thus treated are
supposed to be caught and handled by a person who is clean or not tabooed.—
To shoot an eagle with a gun took from the gun the power of killing. It could
only wound, and was generally given to one who understood restoring it to
usefulness. To fill the barrel with urine and let it stand over night was said to be
a remedy.
The following may also be considered as expressions of respect for
animals :— A man should not talk lightly, or make fun, of any animal he intends
to hunt or trap. He should talk to it and of it respectfully, and always say, ‘I
may kill it,” not “I shall kill it.’— Some trappers and hunters who were very
particular woud not eat with other people when they were engaged, or about to
be engaged, in hunting or trapping ; neither would they eat food cooked by any
woman, unless she were old. They drank cold water in which mountain juniper
or wild rhubarb had been soaked, using a cup of their own, which was not allowed
to be touched by any one. — Hunters seldom combed their hair when on hunting-
trips, but waited till their return home. Before their departure, they anointed
their hair with a decoction of deer’s brains and a certain plant.
All kinds of snakes, toads, frogs, lizards, insects, and shell-fish are looked
upon with abhorrence and disgust by the average Indian, The small black
lizard is held in dread. It is said that if it sees a person, it wil] follow his tracks,
and in the night-time will overtake him, and crawl into his anus and eat his
intestines. Indians, therefore, when they happen to see one of them, light a fire
in their tracks, or jump over the camp-fire four times when they get home. It is
said that the lizard will always turn back from fire, of which it has a great dread,
In this connection may be mentioned a few taboos:—lIt is forbidden to
eat coyote-liver. To eat it would cause a swelling of the face or eyes.—Coyote,
plover, ptarmigan, red-winged flicker, and robin are eaten by old people
only. — The heart of the fool-hen was not eaten; nor would a hunter let
his dog eat it, lest the latter should become foolish, like the fool-hen.— No
kinds of insects or shell-fish were considered edible. — A woman should not eat in
ome Tt UNSC
aw er Ee hlh Se
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 349
the morning, if going out to dig roots or to rob the nests or stores of squirrels
and mice. If she fails to observe this rule, either she will not find the nests, or
they will be empty.
A number of restrictions refer to the use of the sunflower-root (Balsamorrhiza
sagittata Nutt.), which is very difficult to cook. Women, while cooking or digging
this root, must abstain from sexual intercourse. A man must not come near the
oven when the women are cooking the root. The women, when going out to dig
the root, often painted the whole face red or they painted a large black or a red
spot on each cheek. Sometimes they took four long, thin fir-branches, the small
ends of which they spread out in different directions near the bottom of the oven
where the roots were, while the thick ends were tied together, and raised above
the centre of the oven, protruding a little. When the oven was finished, and after
the roots had been cooking for a while, these branches were pulled out, and
according to their color the Indians divined whether the roots would be suc-
cessfully cooked or not. If the branches were black or dark-colored, the roots
would cook well; but if spotted or light-colored, the reverse would be the case.
It was sometimes said, when sunflower-roots had been cooked successfully, that
the coyote had caused the success by urinating on them.
All young people, when eating the first berries, roots, or other products of
the season, addressed a prayer to the Sunflower-Root : “1 inform thee that I in-
tend to eat thee. Mayest thou always help me to ascend, so that I may always be
able to reach the tops of mountains, and may I never be clumsy! I ask this from
thee, Sunflower-Root. Thou art the greatest of all in mystery.” To omit this
would make the person partaking of the food lazy, and cause him to sleep long
in the morning. — Young people, as a rule, did not eat berries until more than half
the crop was ripe. :
The inhabitants of each lodge went through the following ceremony when
the first tobacco of the season was gathered and smoked for the first time. An
elderly man assembled the people, frequently outside of the lodge, generally a while
after sunset, and let all the adult males, and also such females as were in the habit
of smoking, sit down in a circle. He sat or stood in the middle of the circle him-
self. Sometimes he addressed the people at some length, but as a rule simply
said, “ Be it known to you that we will cut up the chief [the tobacco],”. Then he
cut up some of the tobacco, and after mixing it with roasted bearberry-leaves, he
filled a large pipe, lighted it, and handed it to each of the individuals, following
the sun’s course. The people each took one whiff, and holding up their hands, the
palms close together, the tips of the middle fingers level with the mouth, blew
the smoke downward between their fingers, and over their breast; and as the
smoke descended, they crossed their hands on their breast, and rubbing their chest
and shoulders with both hands, as if rubbing the smoke in, they prayed,
“ Lengthen my breath, chief [tobacco], so that I may never be sick, and so that I
may not die for a long time to come.” After every one had had a whiff, some of
the tobacco was cut up in small portions, and a piece given to each indivicual.
°
350 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Before white man’s tobacco became plentiful, the first of it obtained each year
was often treated with like ceremony. It is said that some men, either before
giving the pipe to others to smoke, or after they had finished, smoked to the sun,
or perhaps to the sun and also to the four quarters. The Lower Thompsons
smoked much less than the upper divisions of the tribe. Smoking was considered
the privilege of people possessed of mysterious powers, such as shamans and
others.
While these prayers and customs suggest that a general animism is the
fundamental principle of their religion, —which fact will appear still more
strongly when we consider the individual guardian spirits, — the ceremonials that
were formerly in use suggest that a vague worship of nature formed also a promi-
nent part of their beliefs.
MCCA .
El)
Fig. a91, Facial Paintings,
FEstiva.s. — The people of each neighborhood met at intervals for the pur-
pose of feasting, dancing, and praying. Each gathering lasted a whole day.
The people of some parts of the country observed these rites more strictly, and
danced oftener, than others.
In the winter the people danced in the large winter houses, but during the
fine season all danced outside at certain places, The spring dancing-ground of
the Indians in the neighborhood of Spences Bridge was at Nskaptseé'lx (“spring
house ’), so called because the Indians gathered there in the spring of the year for
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 35!
the purpose of fishing (see p. 252). It is on the south side of Thompson River,
about half a mile below the confluence of Nicola and Thompson Rivers, The
dancing was carried on there on a small, rather sandy flat overlooking the
river ; and the circle worn in the ground by the feet of probably generations of
dancers may still be seen. On the appointed or recognized day, the people,
dressed in their best clothes and with all their ornaments, assembled at the
place very early, each woman bringing food with her. No knives or weapons
were allowed to be brought to these dances, Every one had his or her face
painted red. The chiefs always had perpendicular stripes down the entire
length of their cheeks, made by wiping the color off with the fingers, which
were drawn down over the face. Some of the men, probably warriors, used
black facial paint. Some women had their faces covered with red ochre, over
which were painted spots with sparkling specular or micaceous
hematite. Other women daubed the greater part of their
faces with this material. Both men and women also used
alternate stripes of red and yellow; and some men, alternate
stripes of red and white, or black, white, and red. It seems
that there was no particular pattern of face-painting for these
dances. Many men and women painied their faces in the
same style as under ordinary circumstances. Some of these
patterns are shown in Fig. 291.
Almost every person wore a sash or wide beii and head-
band of some description. The majority were of unsmoked
buckskin. Sometimes they were ornamented with large, round,
flat brass buttons obtained from the Hudson Bay
Company ; but they were usually plain or simply
fringed. The head-bands were mostly of buck-
skin, those of the women often ornamented with
perpendicular rows of dentalia. Some women
donned head-bands and sashes made of the inner
bark of the cedar, which was shredded into very
long fine strips. The bark was generally used
in its natural white state, but was occasionally
painted with narrow stripes of red (Fig. 292).
While dancing, the long thin strips hung down
over the body, or fluttered out on the breeze.
The chiefs always wore cedar-bark head-bands,
which were tied in front in a knot that was
painted red. The ends hung down their backs. The women wore their hair
entirely loose. The men were at liberty to arrrange theirs in any style; and
many had feathers or birds’ down on their heads,
The Indians took great care in the preparation of their dancing-places.
They smoothed the ground nicely, and, if it was too sandy, spread clay brought
Fig. 292, @ (x48), 5 (x¢@y). Head-band and Sash.
352 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
from a distance over the circle, watered it, and tramped it down. After a-while
this became quite hard. The dust was always kept down by watering.
The dancing began at sunrise, when four dances were performed in succession.
The dancers arranged themselves in a circle. They stood three abreast, the un-
married men, unmarried women, and married people (Fig. 293) each forming one
group in the circle. There were two chiefs. The head chief, generally an elderly
man, stood in the west, outside the circle. He made the pyincipal speeches and
prayers, kept time, and gave orders. He was supposed to have frequent visions,
could prophesy, and used to
ick ie 2 - < tell about the future world.
“2525 “7, = >. The other chief, who stood
‘14 \\\ ‘ty \\ in the east, also outside of the
cnier, CHIEF CHIEF CHEF ‘
<| UI hile Ps 4 1,” circle, was a younger man.
ae Ze \\ RVate ae ‘1 He woke the people at day-
Shige Sey break on the morning of the
sta A (a
Nie. oon Tene dances. He led the singing,
Figs. 293, 294. Diagrams illustrating Movements of Dancers. and in every way helped the
other chief. Sometimes new
songs were introduced into these dances, which the chiefs declared they had re-
ceived in visions from the Great Chief. The head chief prayed, and then gave
the order to begin the dance. The chief in the east began a song, and, stepping
into the circle, took the lead of the dancers (Fig. 294). All stamped with their
feet, and walked slowly around. While dancing, those who were on the outer
and inner sides of the circle held on to the sashes of the dancers in the middle
row. Young children danced with their parents.
The dancers all sang, and while dancing moved forward a step or two at a
time. Some slowly extended both arms in front and above their heads, drawing
them back slowly in the same way until reaching the breast, the palms opposite
each other and close together, the fingers slightly bent. This sign means ‘to
draw out slowly or extract,” and was symbolic of drawing nearer to them the power
to which they prayed. They also made the sign of good will and blessing (see
p. 287). In another sign the hands were extended toward the right about the height
of the middle of the body, and in a horizontal position, the right hand foremost,
palm up, the left hand following slightly above, palm down. The hands moved
forward in three or four short jerky motions, then suddenly turned, and moved
similarly toward the left side, but with the left palm-‘up and right palm.down. I
have not been able to learn the meaning of this sign. Most of the dancers, how-
ever, generally raised and lowered one arm at a time above the head, while the
other arm was held horizontally across the breast, then the extended arm was
gradually lowered, with fingers partly ber*, until opposite the other one, when
both hands were pressed together on the breast, one on top of the other. A
deep sigh was breathed, and the head and body were bent forward. I do not
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 353
know the exact meaning of this sign, but it seems to mean supplication, or asking
for pity. Each dancer ejaculated and prayed or talked vehemently during the
song. When the chief of the east arrived at the west, and the other chief
at the east, they stopped, marked time, and prayed and made certain signs.
Then the song was struck up again, and they marched back until the chiefs were
in their proper places again. This concluded the first dance.
During the first dance of the morning, the young men and young women
were permitted to touch one another when the dancers were going around, The
chief called out, ‘‘Now is your time to touch, young man or young woman.”
Any young man who desired a wife then ran over and touched the girl he wanted
on the breast, and any young woman who desired a husband ran over, and, taking
hold of the young man’s sash, followed him, dancing. They say that this custom
was maintained so that there should be no unmarried women in the tribe (see
P. 324)
After finishing the four morning dances, the people all sat down and rested.
Afterward a large mat was spread on the ground, and each woman came up and
deposited on it the food which she had brought with her. During this time
silence was preserved. Then one of the chiefs sat down, extended his hands
above the food, and made a long prayer, the import of which was, that those who
were to partake of the food should never meet with any harm, especially in ob-
taining and in preparing their food-supply ; that they should always have an
abundance; also that all the animals, birds, roots, berries, and fishes which the
Indians made use of as food, should be procured with ease by the people, and
without danger to them of witchcraft, death, or sickness. He concluded by say-
ing, ‘‘ This I ask from thee.” After the prayer two young men came forward,
cut up the food and divided it among the people, while the chiefs and other lead-
ing men made speeches, admonishing the people to be good, to be regular in
attending the dances, etc. At noon four more dances were performed, followed
by another feast. At sunset the people again danced four times, and then dispersed
to their respective homes.
After sunset, all the middle-aged and elderly men gathered in the house of
the head chief of the dances, where they had a ceremonial smoke. The chief
took a large pipe with a stem the length of an arm, and passed it around the cir-
cle with the sun’s course, each one taking a few puffs. Four pipefuls were thus
smoked. It is said that the chief smoked a puff to the sun before he handed the
pipe to his neighbor. The other three pipes are said to be offered to the east,
the zenith, and the west.
Persons considered unclean, such as mourners or menstruating women, were
not excluded from these dances.
About fifty or sixty years ago, the chiefs of the ceremonies began to hold
these dances once a week, on Saturdays, and kept the days by cutting notches in
sticks, Shortly after this, the people learned from the Okanagon some words
354 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
which they introduced into their prayers, The dancers uttered them while dan-
cing, and the chief used them when blessing the food. The meaning of these
words was, “ The name of the Father, the name of the Son, and of the Good
Spirit.” They also learned to cross themselves while dancing. Shortly after .ne
advent of the white miners, in 1858, these dances fell altogether into disuse.
At irregular periods other prayers were made inside the lodges in the morning,
and sometimes also in the evening. The people all knelt in a circle round the fire,
facing inward, The prayers were to “ the chief,” the oldest or the most important
man leading the singing and making the prayers, which were about the same as
those said in the dance. The sign they used in praying was that of good will
(see p. 287), but sometimes it was made to the left side only.
GuarpiaNn Spirits.— Each person had his guardian spirit, which he acquired
during the puberty ceremonials, Only a few shamans inherited their guardian
spirits without such ceremony from their parents, who had been particularly
powerful. The guardian spirits of these parents appeared to them, uncalled for,
in dreams and visions, All animals and objects possessed of mysterious powers
could become guardian spirits, but their powers were somewhat differentiated.
The following were the favorite guardian spirits of shamans, Heavenly bodies:
sun, moon (rather rare), stars, Milky Way, Pleiades, Morning Star. Natural
phenomena: sunset, thunder or thunder-bird, wind, rain, rainbow, snow, water,
ice, lake, cascade, fire, cold, heat, tops of mountains, snow-capped mountains.
Animals : coyote, otter, badger, grisly bear, wolf, dog, skunk, weasel, ermine,
eagles of all kinds, chicken-hawk, owls of all kinds, raven, ducks of all kinds,
swan, crane, loon, snakes, lizards, and fish of all kinds, Part of an animal: bird’s
down. Trees: cedar, fir, yellow pine, burnt trees, stumps. Objects: tobacco,
pipe. The most powerful among these were the otter, wolf, eagle, rattlesnake,
badger, chicken-hawk, grisly bear, and also coyote and owl.
The following were guardian spirits of shamans only. Natural phenomena:
night, fog, blue sky, east, west. Man and parts of human body: woman, adoles-
cent girl, child, hands of man, feet of man, privates of man, privates of woman.
Animal: bat. Objects referring to death: land of souls, ghosts, lodge and poles
at grave, heaps of rocks at graves, dead man’s hair, bones, and teeth.
The ceremonial training necessary for becoming a shaman extended over a
much longer period —sometimes years —than that necessary for becoming a
warrior, hunter, fisherman, or gambler. Among the Lower Thompsons a shaman
who desired to obtain a dead person for his guardiaa spirit placed a skull in front
of his private sweat-house, and danced and sang around it. Then he took it into
the sweat-house, where he kept it all night. He sang and prayed to the soul of
the deceased person to whom the skull belonged to impart to him the desired
knowledge.
The favorite guardian spirits of warriors were: — Heavenly body: sun.
Natural phenomena: thunder or thunder-bird, water, tops of mountains.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 355
Animals: grisly bear, wolf, eagles and hawks of all kinds, raven. Part of body:
blood, Objects: all kinds of weapons, including arrow, bow, knife, tomahawk,
gun, bullet, arrow-head. The most powerful among these were arrow, knife, and
other weapons, the sun, the thunder, the eagle, the grisly bear, and the hawk,
Guardian spirits of the hunter were :— Natural phenomena: water, tops of
mountains, Animals: grisly bear, black bear, wolf, wolverine, lynx, coyote,
marten, fisher, mink, deer, elk, beaver, hoary marmot, hawks of all kinds, owls of
all kinds, raven, crow, magpie, blue grouse. Parts of animals: deer’s tail, deer’s
nose. Objects: canoe, snare, Most powerful among these were the wolf,
wolverine, and owl.
Guardian spirits of fishermen were :— Natural phenomenon: water. Ani-
mais: loon, all kinds of ducks, almost all kinds of fish, Objects: dug-out canoe,
bark canoe, paddle, and fishing utensils, such as nets, spears, lines, hooks, weirs,
parts of weirs.
Gamblers, runners, etc., had the following guardian spirits, Natural phe-
nomena: creek, spring, stone, dawn of day. Animals: horse, muskrat, common
marmot, rock-rabbit, big-horn sheep, mountain-goat (used principally | y the
Lower Thompsons), buffalo, antelope (these two used often by Okanagon),
caribou (used often by Shuswap), porcupine, woodpeckers of all kinds, whippoor-
will, bluejay, willow grouse, ptarmigan, prairie-chicken, plover, goose, humming-
bird, frog, some kinds of flies, horsefly, wasp, bee, mosquito, ant, spider, wood-worm
Part of animal: feathers. Objects: sweat-house, tools of various kinds, mocca-
sins, Tsamulaux (?), red and black paint, dentalia, Parts of plants: fir-branch,
pine and fir cones.
Guardian spirits of women were :— Animal : mountain goat. Objects: basket,
kettle, root-digger, packing-line.
Animals that had no mysterious power did not become guardian spirits of
men. Such were, for instance, the mouse, chipmunk, squirrel, rat, fool-hen, but-
terfly, Only few birds, and hardly any trees or herbs, could become guardian
spirits.
It is believed that all animals have names of their own, which may be re-
vealed by the guardian spirits. The knowledge of these names gives a person
additional power over the animals. A man who, knowing the name of the grisly
bear, for instance, addresses him, gains so much power over him that the bear at
once becomes gentle and harmless. This knowledge is not imparted to others,
except perhaps by a father to his son.
The frequent occurrence of guardian spirits that are only part of an ani-
mal or weapon, as a deer’s nose, the nipple of a gun, the left or right side of any
thing, the head, the hand, the hair, the tail of an animal, is remarkable. Some
Indians had guardian spirits of unusual color or of some particular color, —a
gray tree, a white stump, a white horse, a black dog, a spotted dog or fish, a
black fox, a blue sky, a red cloud, a black fog, a red fish, etc. The favorite.
356 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
colors seem to have been black, white, spotted, red, and blue, — the first three
most frequently for animals, and the last two for natural phenomena or objects
in nature.
It is evident from the above list that each person partook of the qualities
with which his guardian spirit was endowed, For this reason certain guardian
spirits were also considered more powerful than others. Thus a man who had
the grisly bear or thunder for his protector would become a much better and
fiercer warrior than another who had a crow, a coyote, or a fox.
The Sun seems to have been the special deity of the warrior, for to him he
prayed, particularly while he was trying to obtain his guardian spirit. When the
Sun appeared to a warrior in his dreams, it was a sign that he was going to be
killed or wounded, He who could escape harm after getting one of these warn-
ings from the Sun was supposed to have a very powerful guardian spirit indeed.
Before starting on the war-path, the men often sweat-bathed for several days,
and supplicated their guardian spirits for success and protection. They also
danced a circular dance directed against the sun’s course, in which the dancers,
in their feathers and paint, and fully armed, went through a mimic battle. Each
man went through the whole pantomime of war, imitating the sounds of the
animal whieh was his guardian spirit, and shouting, grunting, and whooping.
This was accompanied by the beating of drums. Most of the young men, when
dancing the war-dance, supplicated the Sun for aid, pointing their weapons
toward him.
While the men were on the war-path, the women performed dances at
frequent intervals, These dances were believed to secure the success of the
expedition. The dancers flourished their knives, threw long sharp-pointed sticks
forward, or drew sticks with hooked ends repeatedly backward and forward.
Throwing the sticks forward was symbolic of piercing or fighting off the supposed
enemy, and drawing them back was symbolic of drawing their men from danger.
The stick with the hooked end was the. one supposed to be the best adapted
for this latter purpose. The women always pointed their weapons toward the
enemy’s country. They painted their faces red, and sang while dancing, and
supplicated the weapons of war to preserve their husbands, and help them kill
many enemies. Some had eagle-down stuck on the points of their sticks. When
the dance was at an end, these weapons were hidden. If a woman had a husiand
in the war-party, and she thought she saw hair or part of a scalp on the weapon
‘when taking it out, she knew that her husband had killed an enemy. If she
thought she saw blood on the weapon, it was a sign that her husband had been
wounded or killed.
Only warriors whose guardian spirits gave them the mystery of the scalp
would take or wear scalps. In order to obtain this mystery, or, as it is expressed,
to ‘‘know” scalps and become proof against them, some warriors washed them-
selves in water in which arrow-heads had been placed, or prayed to the weapons
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 357
for knowledge. If they wore a scalp and did not know its mystery, evil might
befall them. A few men wore as many as ten or twelve scalps attached to their
“horns” (see p. 226), their hair, their belt, and their weapons. Scalps were
looked upon as “spirits” by warriors who took them regularly.
If a warrior was wounded, often another warrior would go up to him and say,
“You are only hurt a little, and yet you faint.” Then he would take an arrow
and hit him with it several times over the body, at the same time singing a
song, and saying, ‘‘ My wolf arrow will make you well,” etc.
Warriors who had the arrow, knife, or other weapons as their chief guardian
spirit, were protected against hostile weapons; for instance, if an arrow struck
them, which was not often the case, the blood was vomited up, and the wound
healed in a short time. They seldom wore armor, and generally took the most
dangerous places in battle.
When a man killed an enemy, he blackened his own face with charcoal. _ If
this were neglected, the spirit of the victim would cause him to become blind.
Warriors often smoked to the sun, and sometimes to the four points of the earth,
probably commencing with the east. Some warriors painted patterns on their
bodies according to their dreams. Weapons were often painted with designs
representing skeletons (see Fig. 245). rat
Tail-feathers of the golden eagle were formerly highly valued. ‘They were
used by shamans and warriors for decorating their hats, head-bands, hair, and
weapons. Any person who wore the feathers of this bird was supposed to
possess it as his guardian spirit, or to claim equality in power with the shamans.
Some warriors did not dare to use them, but wore ‘instead what was considered
next best,— the tail-feathers of the chicken-hawk. The golden eagle was of more
value to shamans than to any one else. The chicken-hawk was more potent for
the ordinary warrior.
Some men committed suicide in the attempt to test the powers of their guar-
dian spirits to bring them to life again. It has happened that a man who
boasted of the powers of his guardian spirit was shot by some one desirous of
testing the power of the guardian spirit of the boaster, or in order to find out if
the man was bullet or arrow proof.
SouL.— Every living person has a soul. All animals and everything that
grows, such as trees and herbs, and even rocks, fire, and water, are believed to
have souls, since they were people during the mythological age. The souls of
men, animals, plants, and inanimate objects, appear in the lower world as they
did in ours at the time of their death. Souls continue to live and to occupy
themselves as they did in our world; but they have no sickness, and suffer no
want. Deer are always at hand ready to be killed, and berries ready to be
picked. It seems that most of the Indians believe that in this lower world chil-
dren do not continue to grow, and that women do not bear children. It is
believed that the setting sun draws the soul along; therefore the Indians never
sleep with their heads toward sunset.
358 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Each soul has a shadow; and when a person dies, it remains behind in this
world, It is the ghost of the departed, which may stay for a short while only, or
for many years, On the death of a person, the ghost, it is said, wanders around,
and visits for four days and four nights the persons and places that the dead one
had been wont to visit. After that, it generally haunts the place where the de-
parted died or is buried. The dead try to throw sickness into their surviving
relatives, that they may be joined by them in the underworld.
When people have been killed, ghosts are said to haunt the spot for many
years. Ghosts, although ordinarily invisible, have a kind of body, for shamans
or other skilled persons can see them; and dogs and horses can often see them
when people cannot. They appear only at night, and are thought to sleep with
the bones during the day. Whistling after dark is a means of attracting ghosts,
It is especially dangerous to do so the first four nights after a person’s death, If
any one hears ghosts singing or shouting, he should imitate them, else they might
come to him. A horseshoe nailed above the door or in the house, or carried on
the person, keeps away ghosts. If a man rides a horse with shoes on, or wears
bell-spurs on his feet, no ghosts will come near him.
Ghosts have the same form as the souls whose shadows they are. They are
naked, or but partly clothed. They are of a light-gray color. The mouth and
the eyes appear like a blue fire. The privates of the ghost of a male appear like
moving fire or flame. Blue fires, said to be the breath of the ghosts, are often
seen at night near graves or graveyards, Ghosts generally lean forward when
walking, the upper part of the body having a jerky movement, The toe or finger
nail, hair of the head, or any bone of the body, of a dead man, may assume
the form of a ghost, and pursue persons. When shot with an arrow, the ghost
generally cries out like a man, and disappears at once, leaving only a bone, hair,
or nail in its place, according to the part of the body that was struck, and returns
to where the body is buried. Ghosts, when pursuing a person, will never leave
the trail, so that they can easily be avoided by turning aside from the trail. With
these particulars, they are easily distinguished from living beings. Sometimes
ghosts are seen watching people, only part of their heads or the upper part of
their bodies being visible.
It is believed that sometimes ghosts will eat or drink of the food, and smoke
of the tobacco, of a living person, and that when leaving they take his soul away.
If a man, on seeing a ghost, takes out his pipe and begins to smoke, the
ghost at once disappears. Persons who have no guardian spirit swoon if they see
a ghost approaching. If aman runs from a ghost, the latter will run after him,
and may throw stones or bones at him. Should a person unknowingly camp or
sleep near their haunts, they will sometimes throw stones or bones at him, or
trouble his dreams. When a cheerful and brave person feels depressed or afraid,
the Indians say, ‘“ An unseen spirit or ghost may be near him.”
The souls of people who commit suicide do not go to the land of souls. The
shamans declare they never saw such people there ; and some say that they have
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 359
looked for the souls of such people, but could not find their tracks. Some sha-
mans say they cannot locate the place where the souls of suicides go, but think
they must be lost, because they seem to disappear altogether. Others say that
these souls die, and cease to exist. Still others claim that the souls never leave
the earth, but wander around aimlessly.
People who are drowned do not go to the abode of souls. Some say they
too cease to exist, or that their souls remain in the water. Others affirm that the
souls of drowned people travel on the water, and, following the rivers and lakes,
at last arrive at a country beyond the waters, where the shaman cannot follow
them. Still others believe that such souls reach the land of the ghosts, following
a circuitous trail that leads over the waters. If these souls went over the trail of
the dead, the shamans would be able to see their tracks.
All other people go to the land of souls, including children of all ages, still-
born and new-born infants, and even miscarriages. Some declare that the souls
of warriors killed in battle travel more quickly than any others, Others say that
a person who has been good reaches the land of the souls much sooner than a
person who has lived an evil life.
Most Indians believe that in but few cases do souls return in new-born infants.
For instance, when a male child dies in infancy, and afterward the mother gives
birth to another male child, they say this is the first child come back again. If
he dies, and the mother again has a male child, it is still the same one that died
come back again, One reason given for this is, that when a woman's infant dies,
the next one born is almost always of the same sex as the one that died. They
do not believe that the soul of an elderly person can be reborn, nor that the soul
of a male infant can be born again in a female infant, nor that the soul can return
in an infant having a different mother. Formerly this belief was more general
than it is now.
The souls will continue to stay in the country of the dead until the “Old
Man” and “Coyote” shall return to this world. They will be preceded by
messengers, They will come from the east, and bring the souls back on clouds of
tobacco-smoke ; according to others,« . ed clouds or on the aurora.
Owing to the repeated assertions of many shamans, it has become an established
belief that only those Indians who are not Christians go over the old trail to the
spirit-land, while those who profess to be Christians go by a new trail. Fora long
time after death, the souls of Christian Indians wander around from one graveyard
to another. The truest Christians and helpers of the priests must wander about
for the longest time. Then the soul leaves, going bya trail which ascends toward the
south (some say north), and finally reaches the sky. Here it stays a short time,
and sees the Chief, to whom it confesses its sins. Then it goes on a trail down-
ward toward the west, and finally reaches the old abode of shades, But not all of
them reach there, and it is not known what becomes of the others, Some say the
best Christians may possibly be retained by the Chief, while the very bad ones
360 » TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA,
are either extinguished or “drop down.” Others maintain that they all finally
reach the old land of shades, where they join the other Indians, Some say that,
even in old times, the shamans could not find the tracks of a person who was
very bad, so they supposed some of these very bad Indians, like suicides, never
went to the land of souls, These, however, were very few. Such souls simply
vanished, They were not lost by slipping from the log when crossing the river
(see p. 342).
It is believed that every person and animal has a time set when it must die,
and that nothing can kill it if its time has not come. If a good shot misses a
deer at close range, they say the deer’s time for dying had not come, therefore it
could not be killed. When a deer acts foolishly, and walks, as it were, into the
jaws of death, it is said that its time has come and it wants to die. If a person
dies suddenly, they say he arrived at his time, and that therefore he died.
The soul may leave the body a long time before death, although it does not
do soasarule. If the soul leaves the body, the latter must soon die, unless the
soul returns. Whenever the soul reaches the spirit-land, the body immediately
dies, The body needs the soul, but the soul does not need the body. Life and
breath are necessary to this life. The soul does not need them, and has no real
connection with them.
SHAMANISM, — Shamans accomplished their supernatural feats by the help of
their guardian spirits, who gave them instruction by means of visions or dreams,
Females as well ‘as males could become shamans, but at present there are only
few female shamans in existence. Some shamans have staffs (especially old
shamans), which are painted symbolically, representing lightning, snakes, etc., or
their guardian spirits. Figures of these are also carved or painted on their pipes
(see Fig. 306). They were believed to have the power of causing and curing
diseases due to witchcraft or to the loss of the soul. They caused sickness by
shooting their enemy with their spirit. The nasal bones of the deer were often
used by shamans for shooting persons. They were shot by their thoughts or
by the help of their guardian spirits. The victim took sick at once, and com-
plained of his head being sore.
It was said that a shaman could most easily bewitch a person who was eat-
ing, drinking, or smoking: therefore Indians who were afraid of being bewitched
avoided doing so in the presence of an unknown shaman. Clippings of finger
and toe nails were burned, and loose hair which came out with combing was
buried, hidden, or thrown into the water, because, if an enemy got possession
of hair or nails, he might bewitch the one to whom they belonged. If an enemy
gained possession of the weapons of a man, he also obtained power over their
owner, and, if he wished, he could bewitch him, take away his luck, hurt or kill
him. If, however, the owner of the weapons was stronger in magic than the
person who took them, the effect was the reverse, and the latter often became
sick, or died. Some shamans threw sickness on persons by drawing their souls
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 361
toward the sun. This caused fainting-fits. As these fits became more frequent,
the souls were-said to be approaching the sun; and when they almost reached it,
the persons died. This was a disease very difficult to cure. Shamans also threw
sickness on persons by making gl:vsts frequent their houses,
At the present day the young men, young women, boys and girls, are afraid
to wear about their persons anything unusual in the shape of clothes or orna-
ments ; for instance, anything pertaining to the old style of dress, as feathers,
fur hats or caps, or head-bands inade of skin, They say that a strange shaman,
seeing them wearing anything of the kind, might test their powers; and that in
consequence they might be bewitched or killed, because none of them have
performed the puberty ceremonials properly, and most of them have no guar-
dian spirits, If a boy who is wearing a cap made of animal skin, or a head-
band with feathers, intends to go to town, or some other place where he may be
seen by many Indians, particularly by strangers, his parents will tell him to take
off his head-dress, and wear a hat or cap of white man's manufacture. This partly
accounts for so little of the old Indian style of dress being worn by young people
at the present day.
Sometimes shamans were killed by the relatives of a man whom it was
thought they had bewitched. Fearing witchcraft, the people treated the shamans
with respect. Certain actions were considered offensive by shamans. To startle
a shaman, or to eat meat, especially venison, without first inviting him to eat,
were among these. No one allowed his shadow to fall on a shaman; but there
was no harm if the shadow of the latter fell on the former. It was held that:
sometimes a spell of bad luck was thrown on a hunter or trapper by a shaman,
In such cases the spell sometimes remained for years, unless the victim had re-
course to some person possessed of the power or knowledge to break it, It was
said of a person under this kind of spell, that a ghost walked beside him while he
was hunting, The animals were aware of this, and would disappear before he had
time to shoot them; or if at times the animals did not see, hear, or smell him or
the ghost, but gave him a chance to shoot at them, he was unnerved by the ghost,
which, unseen to him, accompanied him, so that he always missed his mark, If
the spell were thrown on him by a man whose spirit was the deer, the deer knew
or were warned of his coming, and kept out of sight. Shamans also had the
power to kill animals by their spirits, except the representatives of their own
guardian spirits, | The only animal which no shaman could kill by his spirit was
the deer, — For fear of being bewitched, hunters always spoke very modestly of
their successes, else they might excite the envy of greater hunters, who would
throw a spell upon them. — A stranger ought not to be awakened by shaking, but
by calling only. He might bewitch a person who awoke him rudely.
The shaman, when called to visit a sick person, appeared with his face
painted red, and either wearing a large fur hat decorated with eagle tail-ieathers
and with the skins of small animals as pendants, or else having these ornaments
362 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
fastened in his hair. Sometimes he wore a kind of mask made of a mat pinned
together over hishead. Around his knees and ankles he wore strings of deer-hoofs,
which rattled as he walked or danced. Skin of albino deer was considered to
possess mysterious power, and was generally worn by shamans, or made into caps
or into tobacco-pouches by them. The shaman did not accept any payment for
the first vatient whom he treated. It is said that some shamans were able to
ascertain the cause of sickness, only after their guardian spirits had entered their.
chests. If the first guardian spirit whom they called did not give the desired in-
formation, the shaman called another- one. If the guardian spirit refused to
enter the shaman’s body, but jumped back as soon as he approached him, it was
a sure sign that the patient would die. After seeing the patient, the shaman de-
clared the nature of the disease, generally adding that he had gained knowledge
about it by certain dreams which he had previously had. No matter what he
pronounced to be the cause of the disease, the process of curing it was much the
same in each case. Having painted his hair, and sometimes his hands and chest,
red, and divested himself of his robe and shirt, he proceeded by means of incanta-
tions to expel the disease from the body of the patient. He had a small basket
standing near him, in which he kept some water, which he put into his mouth,
and sprayed it either over or in front of the patient’s body. Some shamans were
said to be able to make the water in their basket increase or decrease, or boil,
by supernatural means, Others had a small fire burning near them. They
swallowed glowing embers and burning sticks. Some shamans seem to have had
some knowledge of sleight-of-hand ; and others possessed the power to hypnotize.
Probably ventriloquism was not altogether unknown to some. There is no doubt
that the majority of them believed themselves to be possessed of the powers they
claimed.
Some shamans, when treating a sick person, disliked to have people yawn,
scratch their heads, or make any noise, as it was said to interfere with the spell.
During the greater part of the time that the shaman was performing, he kept up
his song which had been given to him by his guardian spirit, and sometimes
he imitated the latter both by voice and gesture. At intervals he turned his
song into a conversation with his spirit, which was rather unintelligible to the
listeners. Some shamans improvised their song. While he was singing, he
gesticulated, sometimes with his arms and sometimes with his body, while he kept
time with his feet. Sometimes he would break into a kind of dance, in which he
went through many jerking and jumping motions with his body and legs. He
also often blew on the body of the patient, and repeatedly made passes over it
withhishands. Some shamans, after singing their songs, thereby invoking the aid
of their spirits, immediately proceeded to remove the disease by sucking. If
successful, they showed the disease to the people by spitting it out of the mouth.
The disease was then seen to be a deer-hair, if the patient had been hurt by deer
or the non-observance of certain customs in hunting; or blood, if he had been
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TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 363
hurt through the evil influence emanating from a woman during her menstrual
periods ; or a bone tied around the middle with deer’s hair, if ‘.: was bewitched
by a hostile shaman. When a person was believed to be bewitched, a powerful
shaman was summoned, who sucked the disease out of the person’s brow. A
hole or mark «vas !eft in the brow, from which blood flowed. Then the shaman
showed the bone he had removed, with bloody deer’s hair twisted around it. He
threw it a long distance away, and before long the shaman who had shot the bone
was taken sick. In other cases the shaman, after pulling out the disuase, turned
towards the west, threw it in that direction, and blew at it four times.
Often contests occurred among shamans, where the one having the most
cunning or powerful spirit conquered the others, resulting in their death, or in
leaving the marks of his victory in the shape of distorted faces or crippled bodies.
Sometimes the shaman ordered certain parts of the patient's body to be
painted according to his dreams, or to the order of his guardian spirit. As a rule,
the painting had no relation to the affected part of the body. The meaning of
these designs was known only to the shaman himself. The usual parts of the
body painted were the chest from the navel up, or across the chest between the
nipples. Occasionally other parts of the body were also painted, such as the legs
or arms. One shaman had a great reputation for treating childless women. He
made them eat the root of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt., painted the upper
part of their faces according to his dreams, and made them promise to give their
children the names he had.assigned to them. Such names were according to his
dreams, and consisted generally of names of mammals, birds, water, or natural
objects.
Before beginning to treat a patient, the shaman frequently pulled out his long
pipe, from which hung eagle-feathers, and took a smoke ; for smoking was looked
upon as a means of communication, not only between the shaman and his guar-
dian spirit, but also between him and the spirit-world. For this reason many
Indians will not use a shaman’s pipe. An explosion that takes place in a shaman’s
pipe is considered a “ mystery,” and is supposed to be a bad omen, especially if
it happens when he is practising, or laying aghost. By some, however, it is thought
to be a goodomen. Eagle-down was sometimes worn by shamans on their heads
while dancing ; but rattles, except the rattling anklets, were wholly unknown.
Sometimes, if a person were very sick, the shaman declared that the soul
had left the body of its own accord, by being sent to the sun by another
shaman, or by being drawn away by the dead. In such cases he put over his head
the conical mask made of a mat, and went in search of the soul, acting as if travel
ling, — jumping rivers and other obstacles in the road, — searching and talking,
and sometimes acting as if having a tussle to obtain possession of the soul.
The soul is supposed to leave the body through the frontal fontanelle.
Shamans can see it before and shortly after it leaves the body, but lose sight of it
when it gets farther away toward the world of the souls. Therefore, when a per-
son believes that his soul has been taken away, he must send a shaman in pursuit
364 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
within two days, else the latter may not be able to overtake it. When a shaman
sees a soul in the shape of a fog, it is a sign that the owner will die.
When a shaman discovers that a person’s soul has left him, he repairs at once
to the ol. trail. If he does not find its tracks there, then he makes a systematic
search of the graveyards, and almost always finds it in one of them. Sometimes
he succeeds in heading off the departing soul by using a shorter trail to the land of
the souls (see p. 342). Shamans can stay for only a very short time in that country.
The shaman generally makes himself invisible when he goes to the spirit-land.
He captures the soul he wants just upon its arrival, and runs away with it, carry-
ing itin his hands. The other souls chase him; but he stamps his foot, on which
he wears a rattle made of deer’s hoofs. As soon-as the souls hear the noise,
they retreat, and he hurries on. When they overtake him once more, he stamps
his foot again. Another shaman may be bolder, and ask the souls to let him have
the soul he seeks. If they refuse, he takes it. Then they attack him. He
clubs them, and takes the soul away by force. When, upon his return to this
world, he takes off his mask, he shows his club with much blood on it. Then the
people know he had a desperate struggle. When a shaman thinks he may have
difficulty in recovering a soul, he increases the number of wooden pins in his
mask. The shaman puts the soul, after he has obtained it, on the patient’s head,
thereby returning it to the body.
Sometimes shamans were called upon to treat horses and dogs, but only
valuable or favorite ones. They proceeded in the same manner as when treating
people.
Sometimes a shaman would declare that his guardian spirit had told him
that a plague “as coming. It was seen by ! m in the shape of an approaching
fog. If the epidemic was to cause a great many deaths, it was seen as a
large cloud of vapor approaching close along the ground. Then he made the
people paint themselves in the same way as.he was painted. He asked them to
join in his song, and they danced as in the religious dance (p. 350). Then they all
brought him food. He cut a little piece from each offering, and sacrificed these
to the spirit of the plague, which often appeared in the form of a man. After-
ward the offering was thrown into the stream ; and the rest of the food presented
to the shaman ras divided among the people, or was eaten on the spot. This
was said to prevent the people from having the sickness. Instead of making
an offering, sometimes the shaman escorted the sickness to the west, and there
blessed it, and told it to leave.
When a shaman failed to effect a cure, he had to return his fees to the
relatives of the deceased. If a shaman was well paid for his services, his guardian
spirit was well pleased, and was more hable to help him. The services of the
shaman were sought by some trappers to insure success.
Sometimes, when game could not be found, a shaman, or another member of
a hunting-party, made supplication. Before the other hunters retired to rest, he
spread some brush near the fire, on which he sat down, after divesting himself of
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TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 365
all clothing. Here he sat naked all night, with his head bent on his arms. He
expected a vision, At daybreak he repaired to the nearest stream, where he
washed himself, prayed, and sang. When the other hunters heard him singing,
they went there also, washed their bodies, and joined in his song. Then they
went back to camp, and prepared to go hunting. Then he directed them where
to hunt, and said to one of the hunters, “ You will shoot a deer [cr other animal].
As soon as you do so, hunt no more, but come back with your companions.”
They did not eat the deer until the following day. On the morrow they were
directed again by the man, and after shooting one deer they returned home.
After this, they shot plenty of game every day.
Shamans also had power to look into the future. Some shainmans who
were greater prophets than others were consulted upon many matters, such as
whether a person who was sick was to die or to live, what kind of weather was to
be expected, whether there was to be a plentiful supply ef verries and salmon, and
so on. Some were supposed to have contrcl over the elements, bringing on, by
help of their guardian spirits, the wind, snow, or rain, and dispelling them. Many
persons other than shamars had power to control the elements. — Shamans were
also in great demand for the purpose of iaying ghosts. Often two or three
shamans were called on for this purpose. Then one of them sat down and smoked
constantly, while the others danced and sang.
The Lower Thompsons believe that the Coast Salish were possessed of
great supernatural powers. They tell of feats of magic performed by some
of their shamans. Two men from Yale used to cut the flesh off their bodies, and
pass arrows through the muscles of their chests, backs, necks, and arms. On
the next morning the wounds would be healed, not even a scar being visible. A
shaman from the coast is believed to have been able to defecate a whole dog
salmon after having eaten a morsel of dog salmon.
PropueEts. — Occasionally prophets made their appearance among the tribe.
They generally bore some message from the spirit-world, which they claimed
they had visited, and from which they said they had just returned. Some of
these were people who had been sick and had been in a state of trance. When
a person who had been in a trance revived, and related that he had been in the
land of the ghosts, dances similar to those before described (p. 352) were held
by his friends and neighbors. These dances continued for several days. This
was done particularly when the person claimed to have seen the chief of the land
of the ghosts, and to have been sent back to this world with a message. Then he
would travel throughout the country, escorted by Indians, and would be listened
to with respect. Wherever he went, religious dances were performed. If the
message brought by such a person was considered a welcome one, the dancers
offered prayers of thanks to the chief. If the message was one foreboding evil,
they made supplications for mercy.
Some Indians prophesied by means of visions. They foretold the coming of
the whites, the advent of epidemics, the final extinction of the Indians, the
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366 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
introduction of whiskey, stoves, dishes, flour, sugar, etc. One instance related is
that of a Lower Thompson chief, called Pé'lak, who travelled through the tribe
forty years or more ago, and foretold the coming of the white settlers and the
great changes that would take place, even going intc minute details. He also
told the Indians that they would “ die out like fire” on the appearance of the
whites; in other words, that they were doomed to extinction. It seems that he
obtained his information from employees of the Hudson Bay Company whom
he had met. Pé’lak was also a worker of miracles, for near Thompson Siding he
put some fish-bones into the river, and turned them into salmon. Great crowds of
Upper Thompsons went to Thompson Siding to see him and to hear him speak.
In the last fifteen or twenty years, three prophets of this kind have appeared
among the tribe. One was a man from the Fraser Delta, who talked through an
interpreter, and travelled as far east as Lytton. He prayed a great deal, and
performed sleight-of-hand tricks. The Thompson Indians claim that their sha-
mans killed him, for he died shortly after his return home to the Lower Fraser,
Another was a woman belonging to Nicola, who professed to have been in the
land of the souls. She travelled throughout the Spences Bridge and Nicola
country, giving a description of the wonders to be seen in the land of souls.
The last one was also a woman, of the Okanagon tribe, I believe, from that part
of the tribal territory lying in the United States. She appeared about 1891, and
averred that by dreams and visions she was destined to be the savior of the
Indians. She also claimed that she was invulnerable, and could not be shot.
She preached against the whites, and wanted the Indians to follow her to battle
against them. She met with so much opposition from the chiefs of the different
bands, and other leading Indians who favored the whites, that she turned back
on reaching Nicola Valley, deeming it inadvisable to go farther, abandoned her
project, and went home. Had she come twenty years earlier, it is difficult to say
what might have been the result, as even now she has more than one admirer
among the upper divisions of the tribe.
Etuicat Concepts AND TEACHINGS. — It is bad to steal. People will despise
you, and say you are poor. They will laugh at you, and will not live with you.
They will not trust you. They will call you ‘ thief.”— It is bad to be unvirtuous.
You will make your friends ashamed. You and yout friends will be laughed at
and gossiped about. No man wi. want you for his wife. You will always be
poor. They will call you “foolish.”"—It is bad to lie. People will laugh at
you, and, when you speak, will take no notice of you. No-one will believe
what yousay. They will call you “liar.”— It is bad to be lazy. You will always
be poor, and no woman will care for you. You will have few clothes. They
will call you “lazy one,” and.‘ bare backside.”— It is bad to commit adultery.
People will laugh at you and gossip about you. Your friends and children will
be ashamed, and people will laugh at them. Your husband will disgrace you or
divorce you. Other men may be afraid to take you to wife. Harm may befall
you. They will call you ‘‘adulterer.”— It is bad to boast if you are not great.
+ Un A NOG RS,
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 367
°
People will dislike you and laugh at you if you cannot do what you say. Men
versed in mystery may test you and kill you. People will call you “coyote,” or
will say you are “proud of yourself,” or ‘“vain.”— It is bad to be cowardly.
People will laugh at you, insult you, and mock you. They will point their fingers
at you. They will impose on you. They will trade with you without paying.
No one will honor you or be afraid of you. They will call you “woman” and
“coward.” Women will not want you. — It is bad to borrow often. People will
laugh at and gossip about you. They will get tired of you. They will say you
are indigent or poor. They will say you have nothing. They will laugh at
your wife for staying with you. They will find fault with you. They will call
you “pauper.”— It is bad to be inhospitable or stingy. People will be stingy to
you, will shun you, and will not visit you. They will gossip about you, and
call you “stingy.” You will be poor. — It is bad to be quarrelsome. People will
not deal with you. They will avoid you. They will dislike you. Your wives
will dislike or leave you. You will be called “bad,” “family quarreller,” “ angry
one,” etc.
It is good to be pure, cleanly, honest, truthful, brave, friendly, hospitable,
energetic, bold, virtuous, liberal, kind-hearted to friends, diligent, independent,
modest, affable, social, charitable, religious or worshipful, warlike, honorable,
stout-hearted, grateful, faithful, revengeful to enemies, industrious.
Some elderly man of a household, or some chief, would often speak to the
people until late at night, admonishing and advising them, especially the young
of both sexes, how to act and live with one another; telling them the benefits of
being good and the results of being evil, al..o giving his ideas of the future life,
etc.; thus teaching them and guiding them by his knowledge and experience.
In winter many nights were spent in speech-making of this kind, in relating
stories of war, hunting, and other experiences, and telling mythological stories.
The old people often took turns at telling myths and legends after all went to
bed, and staid up until all fell asl 2p.
XIII.— MEDICINE, CHARMS, CURRENT BELIEFS.
The Indians say that formerly they were very healthy, and were seldom
subject to disease. Very few died in childhood, and many lived to an extreme
old age. It is said that their ancestors were taller than the people of the present
day. They were also stouter, stronger, hardier, and more active and agile than
is the case now. Many men were exceedingly fleet of foot, and others excelled
in leaping and in wrestling, owing to careful training and to frequent practice when
playing games. Their diseases were believed to be due to natural causes, witch-
craft, neglect of certain observances, or the influence of the dead. The neglect
of hunters to perform certain observances while huniing was often followed by
sickness, for which the animals themselves were said to be responsible. Some
claim that all sickness comes from the east. Insanity and imbecility were and
are almost wholly unknown.
Mepicines.—Natural diseases were generally cured by the use of certain
medicines, a number of which are enumerated in the following list.
Tonic. — Delphinium Menziesit (?)Dc. ; decoction of bark of Prunus denissa Walpers ; Cornus
pubescens Nutt.; decoction of leaves and stems of Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi Spreng.; decoction of
stems of Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt.
For Use after Childbirth, — Decoction of bark of Prunus demissa Walpers ; decoction of wood,
bark, and leaves of Cornus pubescens Nutt.
For Kidney Disease. — Decoction of the whole plant of Aradis Dru. nondit Gray ; decoction
of stems, flowers, and leaves of Pentstemon Mensiesit Hook. ; very small quantities of the berries
of Juniperus Virginiana(?) L., to be eaten fresh.
For Diarrhea, — Decoction of whole plant of Artemisia Canadensis Michx.
For Dull Pains.— Decoction of stems and leaves of Canothus velutinus Dougl., to be used
both as a drink and for outward application at the same time.
For Severe or Sudden Pains. — Water in which the dried testicles of beavers had been soaked.
This was drunk, and the testicles were afterward dried and kept for future use.
For Colic or Cramp in Bowels or Stomach, — Hot application of fir-branches, or small sacks or
pieces of skin or cloth filled with hot ashes ; hot drinks.
Blood Medicine. —Decoction of stems (cut in small pieces) of Fatsta horrida Benth. and
Hook.; decoction made by boiling for a long time the ashes of the burnt dried root of Veratrum
Californicum Durand. ,
For Syphilis, — Decoction of Rhus glabra L., said to be a powerful remedy ; decoction of root
of Heracleum lanatum Michx., used occasionally ; decoction, in small doses, of the ashes of the
burnt dried root of Veratrum Californicum Durand, mixed with bluestone reduced to ashes; de-
coction of stems and branches of Populus tremulotdes Michx., drunk freely, and a cold sitz bath of
several hours’ duration in the same decoction.
For Gonorrhea.— A very strong decoction of the whole plant of Arabis Drummonditi Gray ;
decoction made by boiling together for twenty-four hours four or five branches of Canothus veluti-
nus Dougl., and the same quantity of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt., three large cupfuls to be drunk
for three days ; very strong decoction of gum and bark of Adies grandis (?) Lindl.
For Blood-spitting. — Decoction of root of Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi Spreng, ; ; decoction of
leaves of Rubus sp.
For Cold and Chill, — A strong decoction, drunk hot, of the dried leaves, stems, and flowers of
La’go (wild celery).
_ (368)
» nL
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 369
For Cold.—Decoction of root of Valeriana sylvatica (?) Banks; decoction of stems and
leaves of Artemisia tridentata Nutt., also bunches of the stems and leaves, or leaves only, may be
tied to the nostrils ; dried stems of zoa't (Okanagon scent) may be placed to the nose, or chewed,
or a decoction of the same may be drunk.
For Cold and Sore Throat.— Decoction of leaves and stems of Aides Hudsonianum (?) Rich.
Stomach Medicines. — Decoction of bark of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt.; decoction of root
of Rubus sp.; decoction of leaves and stems of Aides Hudsonianum (?) Rich. ; decoction of root of
Ribes sp.; water in which mashed stems of Fa¢sia horrida Benth. and Hook. have been soaked,
used as a drink ; decoction of stems and needles of /uniperus communis L.; decoction of young
shoots and sometimes bark of Adies grandis Lindl.; decoction of stems of Symphoricarpos racemo-
sus Michx.; decoction of roots of Ka'luwat; decoction of roots of Kazaxin.
For Vomiting. —Bluejay eaten; drink of oil and water in which sturgeon-liver has been
boiled ; decoction of leaves of Rubus sp.
For Falling-out of Hatr, — Decoction of Wicotiana attenuata Torr., used as a head-wash.
For Pains, —The mashed-up root of Zygadenus elegans Pursh., baked in ashes or roasted at
the fire, and rubbed on the parts affected ; ointment from boiled gum of Pinus contorta (?) Dougl.,
mixed with deer’s grease, and rubbed over the body.
For Pains, Soreness, or Stiffness in any Part of Body. — Use of sweat-bath ; repeated and
sometimes violent rubbing with the hands ; application of hot fir-branches, ashes, coals, or stones ;
drink of hot water or medicine.
Lye-wash. — Stems, flowers, and leaves of Pentstemon Mensiesii Hook., soaked in cold or
warm water ; water in which bark of Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt. has been boiled; water in which the
leaves and stems of Arctostaphylos Uva-ursi Spreng. have been boiled ; water in which the cambium
layer of Ribes lacustre Poir has been soaked ; decoction of Juniperus communis L,, used as a wash ;
woman’s milk.
Eye-salve, — Bear-grease mixed with boiled gum of Pinus pondervsa (?) Dougl.
For Nose-bleed. — A bunch of fresh leaves and flowers of Anemone multifida Poir, placed across
the nostrils,
For Bite of Rattlesnake. —One or two wet buckskin strings rubbed with red ochre, and to
which have been attached the head of a weasel or an ermine, are tied very tightly just above the
wound, and, when the region is swollen nearly to bursting, they are unfastened, and tied tightly tour
or five inches higher up ; cutting, burning, and sucking the wound are resorted to ; also the rubbing-
on of herbs, and the incantations of shamans who have the rattlesnake for their guardian spirit ;
Euphorbia glyptosperma Engelm. rubbed on.
Powders for Running Sores.— Powder from leaves and stalks of Aradis Drummondii Gray,
sometimes, but rarely, mixed with grease; leaves of Achillea millefolium L., roasted till dry and
brittle, then powdered; ashes of wood of Populus tremuloides Michx., sometimes mixed with
grease (for swellings) ; root of Herula dissoluta, roasted till brittle, then powdered ; whole plant with
root of Lriogonum heracleotdes Nutt., roasted, powdered, and mixed with grease (for swellings) ;
stems of Patséa horrida Benth, and Hook., burned, and their ashes mixed with grease (for swellings) ;
Helianthus lenticularis Dougl., dried and powdered.
Powder for Burns.— Ashes of burnt stems of Zyutsetum.,
Ointment for Sores. — Gum of Pinus ponderosa (?) Dougl., boiled and mixed with bear's
grease.
Wash, — Plant of Fragaria Californica Cham, and Schlecht, boiled slightly ; decoction of
Populus tremuloides Michx.; decoction of Canothus velutinus Dougl.; decoction of root of Tsé’xsatn.
For Use as Cradle-padding.— Leaves of Peucedanum macrocarpum Nutt. These cause the
child to sleep, so that it is not troublesome.
for Sickness caused by Exhalations from a Dead Body.— Decoction of wood and bark of Acer
glabrum (?) Torr., to be drunk,
For Purification, — Decoction of bark of Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt.; decoction of root of
370 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Heracleum lanatum Michx.; decoction of stems and needles of Juniperus communis L.; decoction
of needles and young shoots of Picea sp., used as a wash ; decoction of branches or twigs of Pseu-
dotsuga Douglasii (?) Carr, used as a wash for the body ; also herbs rubbed on arms.
For Blisters on the Feet.—The affected person walked on rotten matter, such as decomposed
salmon, which was full of worms; and he did not walk any more that day until sunset, when he
washed his feet in cold water.
Used for Various Other Medicinal Purposes.— Astragalus Purshit Dougl., La'qo (wild celery),
Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt., Gaillardia aristata Pursh., Potentilla glandulosa(?) Lindl., Geum triflorum
Pursh., Chenactis Douglasii Hook. and Arn., Achillea millefolium L., Shepherdia Canadensis Nutt.,
Heracleum lanatum Michx., Salix sp., Populus tremuloides Michx., Salix longifolia (?) Muhl., Asclepias
speciosa Torr., Eriogonum heracleoides Nutt., Abies grandis (?) Lindl., Symphoricarpos racemosus
Michx., Spiraea betulifolia Pall., Pseudotsuga Douglasii (?) Carr, Chimaphila umbellata Nutt.,
Apocynum cannabinum 1, Erigeron filifolium, Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt., Tsé'xsatn.
Poison, — Sometimes a large toad is roasted in the sun or before a fire, and the grease which
drops from it is saved in a piece of bark placed underneath, to be used as a poison. It is mixed
with the food of the person to be poisoned. _It is said that the throat of the victim swells so that
he dies,
The sweat-bath was used partly for the purpose of purification, but partly
also for hygienic and curative purposes. The sweat-bath is described on p. 198.
The Nicola band were in the habit of washing themselves in cold water before
entering the sweat-house. The Thompson Indians always plunged into cold
water after using the sweat-bath.,
Surcicat Operations, —The following surgical operations were performed :—
Opening Boils.—The boils were pierced with porcupine-quills. The matter
from boils was often squeezed out, and rubbed on a grave-pole. This was be-
lieved to prevent a return of the trouble.
For Patns in Foints.--The joint affected was pierced with long, sharp awls.
For Cataract.—The eyebail was touched with the rough, charred bone of a
black bear. The thin skin forming the cataract adhered to the rough bone, and
was thus raised slightly, and pierced with an awl, or cut with a very sharp
knife.
Removing Warts. — Warts were removed from the hands, fingers, or arms
by cutting them off close to the skin, and placing on the fresh wound black moss
which had been exposed to the fire until hot.
Removing Moles. — Moles were removed by allowing them to bleed freely
after laceration with an arrow-point. Two treatments were said to be sufficient
for removing the mole. They are believed to be caused by blood which is darker
than usual, and which accumulates at a certain spot.
Cautertzing. — As a cure for rheumatic pains, powdered charcoal was placed
on the part affected, and burned.
Shamans occasionally prescribe certain kinds of food or medicine for their
patients, when they are so advised in their dreams, For instance, one shaman
was told in his dreams to give his patient small-fish to eat, upon eating which the
sick person would become well, Another gave his patient potato-parings to eat,
for a similar reason, ,
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aie (FP 8 OO™
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 371
Cuarms. — The fool-hen’s head was used as a charm by hunters who could
not locate game. The hunter noosed a fool-hen, and cut off its head when he
reached his camp, then, praying to it to help him locate the game, he tossed up
the head, like dice ; and, according to the way the beak pointed when it fell down,
he knew the direction in which the game were to be found. He tossed it up a
second time, and if the head again pointed in that direction, then it was certain
that all the game were in that direction. That night he placed the head under
his pillow with the beak pointing in that direction, and hunted accordingly in the
morning.
The tail of a snake — called by some Indians the ‘‘ double-headed snake,” on
account of having a thick tail with two small protuberances, resembling eyes, near
the end — was worn by hunters as a charm to preserve them from danger when
hunting grisly bear. It was worn fastened to the belt, to the string of the short
pouch or powder-horn, or to the gun or bow itself. Another charm worn by
hunters was the body or skin of a mouse which is found on the higher mountains,
If a deer were wounded, but not so severely as to be quickly overtaken, the charm
was laid on the wounded deer’s tracks, and left there. The hunter did not follow
the deer any farther that day. A deer thus charmed could not travel far, but
soon died. Another charm was worked by chewing deer-sinew. This is said to
have had the effect of making the sinews of the wounded deer contract, so that it
‘ could travel only with great difficulty, and would soon be overtaken by the hunter.
Some gamblers’ wives took an elongated stone, or oftener a stone hammer,
and suspended it by a string above their husbands’ pillows. If a woman knew
her husband was having bad luck in his game, she turned it rapidly around,
thereby reversing his luck. Another would go to the water and bathe herself, to
bring back her husband’s luck. Some, to secure success to their husbands while
gambling, drove a peg into the ground near their pillows, or sat on a fresh
fir-branch while they played.
Charms are used to obtain wealth, love, regard, and friendship. The following
is a charm used by both males and females.to gain and retain the love or affection
of the opposite sex. A male and female' of a certain plant which I have not been
able to identify are gathered, and tied together with a hair from the head of the
man and one from the head of the woman. A small hole is then dug, and the
plants buried in it. Some people wear the plants on their persons. When
gathering the plants, tying them together, and burying them, they pray to them
for success. Another charm for obtaining a person’s affections is the male and
female of another plant, also unidentified. These are gathered, put together,
mashed fine with a stone or stick, and mixed with red ochre. Then the person
who makes the charm repairs to running water at sunset or daybreak, where he
paints a minute spot on each cheek with the mixture, at the same time praying
to the plant for success. Finally the mixture is sewed up in a small buckskin
sack, and worn on the person. This charm is used by young people of both
1 See footnote, p. 311,
372 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
sexes, It is said that both these charms, if not properly prepared, sometimes
have the effect of making either the charmer or charmed crazy. The flowers
of Dodecatheon Feffreyt Moore are used as a charm to obtain love or wealth, and
to make other people give presents to the charmer. The heart of the fool-hen
was used as a charm by some men to gain the love of a woman.
After castrating a horse, the testicles are often placed on a tree or on a high
bowlder, to be out of the reach of dogs, for if touched by the latter, the horse would
not be good. Sometimes the testicles are buried, so as to make the horse come
back to the same place (his own country) if he should be lost or stolen.
To bring back the luck of tables and utensils contaminated .by unclean
persons, Astragalus J-urshtt Dougl. and Rosa gymnocarpa Nutt. were used.
Current Beuters, — The following are beliefs regarding dreams :— When a
person dreams, his soul leaves the body, and walks around the earth. The sou!
of a person who has the nightmare is nearing the beginning of the trail leading
to the world of the souls. — When dreaming of a dead person touching, or lying
on, or wearing one’s clothes, one must not wear that article again. It ought to
be hung up in a tree the next morning. If this is not done, evil or sickness will
ensue, — If a person is sick, and another person dreams of seeing him naked, and
passing from east to west, or vce versa, the sick person will die. If he is seen
dressed, and walking in any other direction, he will recover. —To dream of
seeing a person falling, and then disappearing in a westerly direction, signifies
that he will die very soon. — To dream of seeing a man going downstream in a
canoe means that he is in danger of death. If he comes ashore within sight, he
will get well; but if he disappears, paddling in midstream, he will die.—If a
person dreams that he sees dead people who offer him food, of which he eats
twice, he will die within four days. — To see a person with his hair loose, and
walking toward the west or south, in which direction he finally disappears, means
that such person will die soon. If the soul of a sick person turns back before
going out of sight, and begins to retrace its steps, it means that such person will
recover.— To dream of a sick person ascending a height means that he will
recover. — To dream of a sick person swimming or fording a stream means that
he will die. —To see a sick person’s soul descending toward and entering a
stream, in which it disappears, means that he will die; but if he turns back from
the edge of the stream, and then ascends a hill, it means that he will get well. —
To dream of seeing a dead person or a ghost lying down on a man’s bed or pillow
means that the possessor of the bed will die very soon.
Events portended by dreams may be avoided by painting the face on the next
morning, or by a sweat-bath and prayers.
The following are omens of death :— A person who has been left an orphan
when quite young can tell when a death is going to occur, by reason of an extreme
itching in the head. — The apparition of a man is seen near the house of a person
shortly before that person's death.— A man well versed in mystery can tell, by
smoking another man’s pipe, whether the owner of the pipe is in danger of dying.
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TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 373
This is known by the taste. — If an owl perches very close to a habitation at night,
and cries in a peculiar manner, the death of some friend of the inmates will take
place soon. — The crying of a coyote night after night close to a dwelling, and in
a peculiar manner, foretells the death of an inmate of the house, or of some friend
in another place. — Repeated and long-continued howling of a dog, or crowing of
a cock, portends the death before long of some one near by. — If one imagines he
hears weeping outside or near a house, some person in that house, or a near friend
of the inmates, will die very soon. — The finding of a dead young mouse on one’s
path portends the death of some young child of his acquaintance soon. — Formerly
a common practice of elderly men was to place clippings of their finger-nails, one
at a time, on top of a hot stone in front of the fire. If the nails gradually burnt
up, it was a good sign; but if one jumped off the stone, the man said, ‘1 shal
die soon.” — On the trail up Salmon River there is a rock called ‘“‘ The Marmot,”
through which there is a narrow passage. The trail passes through it, and there
is just room enough for a man with an ordinary pack to pass without touching the
rock. They believe that a person who is going to die shortly cannot go through
without sticking in the passage. He is also further forewarned of his early
demise by a marmot running out of the pass in front of him, and crying. Even
a child, if it is going to die soon, cannot go through the rock without sticking.
A buckskin thong around the neck ought not to be cut by the e rson
wearing it, because this would be symbolic of cutting one’s own throat, and the
person would meet with a violent death.—The ends of all thongs worn as neck-
laces, wristlets, etc., are tied, with the exception of those used as anklets. The
last-named are fastened by lacing one end into two slits on the other end.
A sudden and peculiar crack accompanied by a hissing noise made by the fire
is taken by the hunter as a sign that he will kill deer on the morrow ; if the noise
occurs repeatedly, he will kill several deer. It is considered lucky for a hunter to
. go out in the morning before eating. He will be light-footed, alert, and will see
many deer. To carry a lunch is unlucky, although some carry dried service-
berries.
Four is a lucky number ; therefore, in counting and dividing, and particu-
larly in gambling, the Indians count by fours. — Buzzing in the ear is the dead
calling. — For a tree to fall in calm weather is a bad omen.
If hair is touched with the fingers by either male or female, it will never grow
long. — If a person sneeze, some person is talking about him, or mentioning his
name, — If the heart beats hard, it is a sign that one will hear news, probably
bad news.
If a dog lies down, and places his lower jaw on both front paws, it is a sign
that a visitor bearing a pack of food or presents will come. — For a cock to crow
after dark and before midnight is a bad omen (this belief is of recent origin}
The black bear will have premature young if the falling leaves touch her back,
therefore she goes into her hole when the leaves begin to fall in the autumn ;
whereas the male black bear does not go into his den until long afterward. — A
374 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF SRITISH COLUMBIA,
married man was believed to be luckier at gambling than an unmarried man, —
Warts on a person show that he is stingy.
Corpses were believed to have a contaminating effect upon everything that
came in contact with them. This explains the regulations regarding the treat-
ment of persons who prepare the body for burial (p. 331). — When a corpse is
taken across a river in a canoe, no fish will be caught for four days. — When
a person is drowned in the river during the salmon-run, the fish will cease to run
for several days.
When there are many red worms in wild cherries, there will be many salmon
(Lower Thompsons), — If a person bathe in the river, he must do so below, and
not above, fishing-platforms, as the salmon are affected a mile or two below the
place where a person bathes.— Children are forbidden to mention the name
of the coyote in winter-time, for fear that that animal may turn on his back, and
immediately bring cold weather by so doing. — Fog or mist is said by some to be
caused whenever the coyote turns over.
If a person burns the wood of trees that have been struck by lightning, the
weather will immediately turn cold. — It is also believed, that, if a person steps
over wood of this kind, his legs will swell, and that whoever steps on such wood
will shortly afterward be attacked with some kind of sickness. — A person who,
finding a lightning arrow-head, touches it or takes possession of it, will sooner or
later go crazy. — For a cat to roll over is a sign that it will be good weather.
The death or burial of a person causes an immediate change in the weather ;
that of a shaman or some other “ powerful” person, a sudden and extreme change.
The birth of a child, and especially of twins, has the same effect. The open-
ing of graves, a person reaching the age of puberty, a man or woman powerful
in magic washing their bodies, any person powerful in magic weeping or smoking,
Indians intruding on the haunts of spirits in the mountains, —all these are
considered the causes of changes in the weather. Weather changes of this
kind are called “ warning day.”— Kokwi'la-root was chewed, and then spit out
against the wind, to cause calm. — Distant lightning not accompanied by thunder
is a sign of steady hot weather, — To throw a stone into the river may cause a
gust of wind. — When mosquitoes suddenly become thick and bite badly, it will
rain very soon. — When the loon calls often and loud, it will rain soon. — When
crows gather together in the su:nmer-time, it will rain before long. — To imitate
or mock the cry of the loon may cause rain. — To burn hair of the beaver will
cause rain. — The first visit of indians to Botani in each root-digging season
causes rainy weather.— The short spell of showery weather usually occurring
about the beginning of June is said to be caused by the deer dropping their
young. The rain is to wash the young fawns after birth. — To burn the feathers
of the ptarmigan, or hair of the mountain-goat, big-horn sheep, or the hare, will
cause sudden cold weather or a snowstorm. — Persons who have the weather for
their guardian spirit can produce rain or snow by smoking their pipes. — A sec-
ond or third crop of strawberries and other berries in one season indicates a hard
ee
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 375
or severe winter coming. — Large numbers of hares in the fall portend a hard
winter. — The early migration of hares to lower grounds in the fall portends an
early winter.— The early changing of the hare’s and weasel’s coats, and the
plumage of the ptarmigan, to white, indicates the early setting-in of winter; as
does also the arrival of large flocks of the small birds called tsaits¢1Enwa’u1En
(‘ bringing in the cold a little”), and of the gray-crowned finch of Hepburn, —
To burn the feet, skin, or bones of the hare will also cause cold weather or
snow.
Occasionally, when it snows, some of the Indians will be heard to say, “ The
Old Man scratches himself ;" or, when it rains, “ Your Grandfather urinates,” or
“Your Grandmother urinates,” or “ The Coyote urinates.”
Some small muscles located in the leg just above the instep move up to the
‘knee when a person grows old, thence they gradually ascend to the head: a
person is then really old, and sits with his knees up past his ears, as in extreme
old age. These knots or muscles are situated in the left leg only. Some say
they go only to the knee, and then move back again,
XIV. — ART.
By Franz Boas.
Decorative Art.— The almost complete absence of works of plastic art
among the Thompson Indians is most striking, particularly when compared with
the highly developed art of the neighboring Coast tribes, who model almost all
their implements in animal forms. Their dishes, spoons, hammers, lances, clubs,
fish-hooks, harpoon-points, canoes, repre-
sent animals, distorted, and adapted to
the shape of the objects. Among the
Thompson Indians very few carvings of
this kind are found. One stone vessel
representing a frog (Fig. 153), and another
one representing a snake coiled around a
cup (Fig. 154), have already been de-
ih 9 295 (sdf1). Hammer-stone with Animal Head. Height, scribed. Here also belongs a spoon with
the head of an animal carved at the end
of the handle (Fig. 156). A few hammer-stones show an animal head instead
of a knob at the upper end (Fig. 295). Plastic decoration was rare in pre-
historic times also. Mr. Harlan I. Smith has figured a fragment of a steatite
pipe from Lytton (Part III, Fig. 113) representing an animal’s head, and two
remarkably well executed carvings in bone — according to the Indians, toggles
of dogs’ halters — representing animal figures (Fig. 296). Excavations at Kam-
loops also have yielded but few specimens of this character. Notable among
these are a sacrificial stone vessel in the shape of a man, and two beautiful war-
clubs made of antler, the handles of which represent heads of warriors (see Part
VI of this volume). Carvings representing human or animal figures are also
Fig. 296, a, 4 (gh%u), ¢ (sh¥p). Bone carvings. a, 4, nat, size ; c, § nat. size,
very rare in this area. The only ones known to me are the crude figures erected
over graves (Figs. 287-289). Here may also be mentioned the rude stone orna-
ments placed on top of houses. Fig. 297 shows one of these, representing a
man. Hawk-feathers are glued to the back of the head, and the clothing is
[376]
afin.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 377
indicated by red painting. None of these -7rvings can compare with the beau-
tiful work of the Coast Indians. :
The principle of decorative art of the Thompson Indians is quite distinct from
that of the Coast tribes. The former have the conception of animals adapting
themselves to the use of man, and assuming the form of implements. The whale
becomesa canoe, the seal a dish, the crane a spoon.
The latter adopt this idea very rarely, but deco-
rate their implements with symbolic designs placed
on a suitable surface, but without any immediate
connection with the form of the implement. In the
former, the decoration depends upon form; in the
latter, form and decoration have no intimate con-
nection. Comparatively few designs are primarily
decorative. Their fundamental idea is symbolic.
For this reason by far the greater number of designs
inay be described as pictographs rather than as
decorations, Nevertheless the symbol is often used
for purposes of decoration.
The symbols are mostly painted, etched, or
etched and filled with colors. The Thompson In-
dians have not developed any great skill in graphic
art. Their designs are largely attempts at a realis-
tic representation, but the difficulties of execution
have led them to adopt a number of conventional
expedients to express certain ideas. They use a
number of conventional designs, the meaning of
which is always understood. These are shown in Hiaces. Gail Whee ‘Ceaamene, woreiass
Fig. 298. ing a Man. 4 nat. size,
Another important expedient is the substitution of relation in space for an
actual representation of the object. A cross represents the crossing of two trails
(Plate XIX, Fig. 1, No. 8) ; dots near such a cross, offerings made near the crossing
of trails (Plate XX, Fig. 13). A single or double straight line signifies a trench ;
and lines or dots placed near its ends, sacrifices placed there (Plate XX, Fig. 13 //).
The object sacrificed is further suggested by the form of the line or dot, A
line signifies something long, such asa pole (Plate XX, Fig. 13 /), while dots sug-
gest food and painted bowlders. A line connecting a number of designs desig-
nates that they belong together or are near each other. Thus on Plate XX, Fig.
13, @ represents the grisly bear going by way of 4 to the lakec; on Plate XIX,
Fig. 1, No. 3 are fir-branches in front of a hut; No. 25 represents a fir-branch
placed at the crossing of trails,
It will be seen that s\ ne of the conventional signs are ambiguous. When
found on implements, the use of the latter often determines the meaning of the
designs, because they are always symbolic of the use of the implement ; while
378 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
in ceremonial implements they represent the dreams of the owner. In other
cases the accompanying figures define the significance of the ambiguous design.
On the pipe shown in Fig. 306 we see on the left-hand side of the upper side of
the stem a circle with a long line. It signifies a lake and a river flowing into it.
This meaning is determined by the beaver and otter running toward the river
from the right-hand side next to it. On the tongs (Fig. 160) we see almost the
same design, but there it represents a basket and ‘adle.
In some cases where the use of the implement determines the significance of
+ Ryu Ho A
f
ad
1 oy OY SAN
J
k
nm - 7) Pp qa Yr
Fig. 298. Conventional Designs,
ae
a, The crossing of trails; 5, Fir-branches used by pirls in their puberty ceremonials ; c, Unfinished basketry or a pile of fir-branches ;
d, Matting ; e, A trench with earth thrown to one side; /, Underground house with protruding ladder; g, Grave-poles; 4, Tracks o
grisly bear; #, Tracks of bear cub; 7, Loon; 4, Two lakes connected by a river, the itner circle representing the water; /, Cascade ;
m, Mountain, the curved lower line rvpresenting the earth, the lines running down the sides of the mountain representing gulches, and the
circie on top representing a lake on '' e mountain ; #, Sun; 9, Star; g, Rainbow ; 7, Mountains and valleys or track of a snake; 7, Lightning.
the design, all attempt at reproducing the form of the object, or even of its cca
ventional! sign, is abandoned. Thus the red ornament on the stirrer (Fig. 159)
represents food. The red tip signifies salmon ; the lines in the middle, roots ; the
red on the handle, trout. The red at the end of the tongs (Fig. 160) represents
the spring from which water is obtained, and the lines on the back of tue tongs
are water-snakes.
The symbolism of designs is well expressed in the decorations of weapons.
On the inner side of the bow (Fig. 218) we find two rattlesnakes, represented by
a red zigzag band and white cross-lines for the tail, crawling into their den, which
is represented by a red band in the middle oi the bow. On ar she: bow (Fig.
216) are represented a hunter and two dogs, and a warrior decora... _— th feathers.
The red ends of the bow represent trees; four lines on one end, wood-wori:
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 379
under the bark, These are rubbed by young men on their arms to gain strength
for spanning bows. Lances were often
painted with the design of a skeleton (Fig.
245). The lance-head represents the skull,
indicated by the two orbits and the aperture
of the nose. The rings on the shaft repre-
sent the ribs. ‘rhe stone war-axe, Fig. 299,
represents a woodpecker. The point of
the axe is to be as powerful in piercing
skulls as the beak of the woodpecker is in
piercing the bark of trees. The wooden
club shown in Fig. 251 is decorated with
uesigns representing the ribs of a skeleton.
Drinsing-tubes used by girls during the
puberty ceremohials are often decorated
with symbols of the crossings cf trails at
which they staid, of trenches which they
dug, or of other objects connected with
their ceremonials (Fig. 284 4). The crosses
on the holes of the tube shown in Fig. 284.4
are said to represent stars, while those at
the ends represent crossings of trails, The
design shown in Fig. 300 is an old design
found on robes and pouches made of buf-
falo-skin. Its meaning is unknown.
Designs representing the guardian
spirits and supernatural dreams of the
owner are very frequent. These were
believed to be the means of endowing the Fis: 209 (alts). Waraxe representing Woodpecker, & nat, size,
implements with supernatural powers. Men decorated their clothing according
Afpanet ary to instructions received from their guardian spirits (see
p. 206), and painted their dreams on their blankets. In
Fig. 301 a mountain rang. resting on an earth-line is
shown above the fringe. On the upper part of the
blanket two suns are shown, outside of which there are
two large beetles called “kokaum” (June-bugs). In the
centre is a buck deer pursued by two Indians. The figures
near the right and left margins are grisly bears. On the
lower part of the blanket two loons are shown. They are
painted on a large scale, because they are the principal guar-
dian spirits of the wearer. Between them there isa lake
with trees around one side, and a canoe and a man in the
Poudh. paanee, HO FAP® Centre, The trail lines under the loons indicate that they
belong to the lake, The owner's pipe is painted in the lower right-hand corner,
380 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Boys, during the puberty ceremonials, painted their aprons and blankets in
the same manner. In Fig. 302 a painted apron of this kind is shown. The
central top figure is the lad himself in the attitude of a dancer, with a feather
head-dress and his apron. The bow and arrow painted at his side are symbolic
fem ne of his future professions of
[ y ae eS, hunting and war. Two moons
and six stars painted around
him suggest his nightly trav-
els. He must become familiar
with the deer and salmon, the
pursuit of which will occupy
much of his time in future
years, and furnish him with
most of his food; therefore
the figures cf a buck or an
elk ané of a salmon are
painted beneath him. Under
them is painted a lizard, of
which he has dreamed, or
which he has already obtained, or is anxious to obtain, for his guardian spirit.
On the left of the apron is a picture of the Dawn of the Day, to which he prays,
and which he awaits daily in his solitude. The light-colored cloudy portion is
the daylight rising from the dark line, which means the horizon. Underneath
are piciured four mountains resting on an earth-line, with a lake between two
of them. These are the mountains over which he travels. At the bottom are
the principal mountains where he resides
while trying to obtain a guardian spirit.
The short spikes around the edges rep-
resent trees; and the long lines inside,
gulches.
Another example of a pictographic
design is shown on the drum, Fig, 314.
The drum was made to be used at a pot-
latch. On one side is a dancing man and
awoman. The horse represents the com-
monest gift at a potlatch, which is gener-
ally given away after a man or woman
has danced. The other paintings have
no special significance in reference to the Fig. 308 (vhfn). Palneed Apron, ¥y nat. size,
potlatch, but were painted on the drum to suit the fancy of the 11en who made it.
Clubs were often decorated with designs representing the owner's guardian
spirits. On the arrow, Fig. 222 d, the water-snake is represented. On the war-
club, Fig. 303, already figured on p. 264, we see sky and the thunder-bird, Th.
s nobine
RADAR ANAAARA AR AR AD AAR RRR ODL we ‘
PUI SSCA SEANAD BAT SMA SONOS SATETANTALANAUI TAR ATU a a
Fig. 301 (z$97). Blanket with Dream Design. Width of upper edge, sf ft.
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 381
black and red lines on the handle represent the earth, and the four lines con-
necting earth and sky represent lightning. The quiver, Fig. 225, is painted red
and black, with mountains rising over a line representing the earth, and two suns.
In Fig. 304 is represented the painting on the shaman’s head-band shown in
Fig. 183. On one side the wolf and a star are shown, and on the other a star
and the shaman himself wearing a feather head-dress.
Gambling-implements were decorated with designs supposed to secure luck.
On the pouch holding a set of birch-bark cards, Fig. 305,
is the figure of the sun. The dots signify stars; the
cross means either the crossing of trails or a reel for
winding string.
Handles of digging-sticks often had carvings represent-
ing the dreams of the owner. The specimen shown in Part
III, Fig. 21, was explained in this manner.
The shaman’s pipe, Fig. 306, shows inlaid in the stone
stem the loon necklace design, which signified the necklace
with pendant loon’s head that was sometimes worn by sha-
mans. “On the stem are shown the following: on top, at
the left, a lake, and a river flowing into it; a beaver; an
otter; two earth-lines ; a wolf; track of the grisly bear ; two
mysterious lakes of several colors, connected by a river; a
mountain with fog on top. On the side is a snake; under-
neath, at the left, a rattlesnake; then a buck deer, earth-
lines, the sun, earth-lines, and a loon necklace. On the
appendage of another pipe (Fig. 307) is carved, on one side
the sun, on the other a man with a spear in his hand. On
still another (Fig. 308), the appendage is given the shape
of a canoe. On one side is carved in relief the head of
a big-horn sheep, on the other an otter. On the stem, ribs
are represented in red. The pipe represented in Fig. 309
shows the design of ribs inlaid in the stem of the bowl.
To this class of designs belong most of the rock-
s paintings found so fre-
‘ quently in the coun- ’
try inhabited by the @
<= Thompson Indians,
with’bedgn GAB, eeancasa ==Almost all of these ’
Thunder-bird, 4/nat, size. were made by boys Fig. 304 (rife). Painting on Shaman’s Head-band.@@ § nat, size.
and girls during their puberty ceremonials. The figures composing each
painting were generally made by different individuals and at different times,
and consequently the figures are disconnected. On Plate XIX some of
these paintings will be found that have been reproduced from photographs, On
Plate XX others have been reproduced from drawings collected by Messrs. James
Sink sida Rect lbascrre wi eete
382 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
Teit, Harlan I. Smith, and John Oakes, in the region between Lytton and Spences
Bridge and in Nicola Valley, All the explanations were obtained by Mr. Teit.
Sometimes the connection between ornamentation and
object is difficult to understand. The cap, Fig. 193, shows
a series of lodges on a line representing the earth, and
dentalia sewed on in a mountain design over the earth-line.
The dots on the cap represent
stars. A piece of skin for playing
the stick game (see Fig. 257) we
find surrounded by a line, inside
of which is a circle. These rep-
resent the world. The short lines
extending inward are clumps of
trees. Two men and a dog are
seen in the centre of the world.
PPR see WNioused The bat for playing ball, Fig.
Fig. 305 (ais), _ Front and Back of a Pouch for Birch-bark Cards, with Design 267 @, represents a small water-
of Sun, Stars, and Crossing of Trails, 4 nat. size.
snake. On a_ tobacco - pouch
(Fig. 310) is represented a lizard in appliqué skin.
Many objects are decorated with the “butterfly” or “eye” design ; for in-
Sew stance, the arrow-flaker (Fig. 118) and the tweezers
se (Fig. 210; see also Part III, Figs. 109, 110). The.
a . design of the wood-worm was also frequently used.
It consists of a series of short parallel lines, the ends
Fig. 306 (g481). Shaman’s Pipe, a, Inlaid Design“on Bowl; 4, Designs on Stem. 4 nat, size,
of which are sometimes connected by long straight lines (see
Part III, Figs. 21, 112).
The specimens in which the painted or etched designs are
closely adapted to the form of the object are very few. The
butterfly design just mentioned is often adjusted in such a way
as to bring about a decorative effect. The same is the case
with the arbitrary symbols of food and trees on the stirrer,
tongs, and bows mentioned above (Figs. 159, 160, 216, 218), while the less
conventional designs] are little |influenced in form and position by the decorative
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 383
field. The only exceptions to this rule are the basketry and weavings of the
Lower Thompsons and the bead-work which evidently developed from the former.
The peculiarities of the decorative art of the basketry of the region will be
discussed in Part V of this volume. The woven carrying-straps, Fig. 311, show ,
the arrow pattern adapted to a long narrow band. Fig. 312 (and also Fig. 200)
represents a snake pattern in beads,
One of the very few purely ornamental designs for which no explanation
is obtainable may be seen on the shaft of the root-digger shown in Fig, 212 4,
Fig. 309.
Fig. 307 (g4€3). Pipe with Design of a Man. § nat, size.
Fig. 308 (z84x). Pipe with Designs of Otter and Big-horn Sheep. a, Reverse of Bowl; 4, Top of Stem, 4 nat, size,
Fig. 309 (zh§s). Pipe with Design of Ribs, 4 nat. size. :
The rhythmic arrangement of beaded strings is often very elaborate,’ as
illustrated in Fig, 313, which shows the grouping of strings composing the fringe
on a pair of trousers. When worn, the fringe hangs down (see Fig. 168) so that
the arrangement of the strings cannot be seen. Nevertheless the same motive is
applied throughout, which consists of five elements, —one string of one glass
bead and two bone beads in alternating order, one undecorated string, one of
alternating glass and bone beads, one undecorated, one of one glass bead and
two bone beads in alternating order.
Music.— The Thompson Indians used very few musical instruments,
Their songs and dances were accompanied by the drum, which consisted of
a round wooden frame covered with skin. That of a one-year-old deer was con-
sidered best, and was often worn before being used on the drum, because this was
believed to improve the sound. The drums were generally painted with symbolic
{ 384 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
designs. Those made for use at potlatches (see p. 297) had designs referring to
those festivals. Such a one is shown in Fig, 314. It is only recently that square
. drums, like the pres-
ent specimen, have
been made, a_ box
being used for the
frame. The paint-
ings represent, on
the sides, the rain-
bow, the sun, a maie
and female dancer,
and a horse tied toa
post, to be given
away as a present,
On thetop is painted
a grave-post with
attached | sacrifices,
stars, and on the
upper part a deer-
Leis Utils, Totaereeraiioh: wit Renta ot FRESE RAE Arrow Recent os CMTE: ta a p, the curved
lines representing
the spring-poles (see
also p. 380). On
Fig. 312 (y3§3). Beaded Necklace with Snake Design. 4 nat. size. another drum (Fig.
ee
ae
315 @) is seen a cross painted in red, which represents the points of the com-
pass. The four white lines are said to represent bridges, more particularly the
one at Botani, from which Coyote fell (see
Traditions of the Thompson River Indians, by -3@/ISSSS8S'Saeweoe SO
James Teit, p. 26). The white cross-lines at the WN
ends of the long white lines represent the ends
of the bridges. No explanation has been ob-
tained for the rest of the painting. The drum-
stick (Fig. 315 4) is made of skin padded with
deer-hair and decorated with hawk-feathers.
The Thompson Indians used no rattles ex-
cept rattling anklets made of deer hoofs, which
were worn at dances.
The Indians have a great many songs, which
they divide into classes. The principal classes
of songs are the lyric song, treating of love, deeds ide PAM Mimenee meming, Rhythmic Repe-
of valor, etc.; the dance song; the war song; the
Wes yp! — 27
m shaman’s song; the song sung in sweat-houses ; the mourning song; the prayer &
4 or religious song; the gambling song for the game lehal; and the cradle song.
ta
9
ww i
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. 385
One song is called the cricket song. The tune is an imitation throughout of the
cricket's chirp. The cricket is supposed to say, ‘Mend the fire,” or “ Put fuel
on the fire,” consequently the words of the song are the same.
Dancinc. — Some of their dances are described on p. 352. Dances also
take place at potlatches and other festivals. One or more (generally women, per-
haps three or four at a time) get up and dance. Many of these dance as long as
they have the breath to do so, after which they hold out a present of a dress or
a blanket, saying, ‘! This is because you have seen me dance.” This present is then
Fig. 314 (4493). Drum, Length of side, 16 in. Fig. 315, @ (140 A), Drum (diam.,, 16 in.) ; 4 (74% B), Drumstick (length, 11 in).
handed over to the guests. Sometimes a man gets up and dances, holding a rifle
in his hands, with which he goes through many manceuvres, uttering at the same
time grunts and exclamations, and then the rifle is given to the guests. At times
some of these men and women imitate in their dances certain birds and animals,
such as prairie-chicken, hare, or goose, in sound and gesture. Sometimes the whole
actions and motions of the birds or animals while feeding, etc., and the hunting
of them, were gone through, causing much merriment to the onlookers. These
particular animals were selected because their motions were well suited to this
kind of dance ; and, besides, these animals or birds were seldom the guardian spirits
of any person. They were not the guardian spirits of the persons who imitated
them. The particular songs or tunes for those dances were called by the names
of the birds and animals. In the majority of feast dances, no animals or birds
were imitated. Some Indians think that the custom of imitating birds, etc., in
these dances, may have been copied from the northern Shuswap, who carried it to
greater perfection than any other tribes. When trading-parties of the northern
Shuswap wintered in the Spences Bridge country, as they did sometimes, the
latter gave feasts to the former, and vce versa. When the former entertained
the Spences Bridge band, they frequently gave exhibitions of these animal
eed res
=f
i 386 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
¥
dances on a grand scale. The favorite animals imitated were the moose and
ry the caribou; the dancers being dressed to resemble these animals, even 1 the
i antlers, All the actions of the animals in the rutting season were gone through ;
and the whole process of hunting them, and their final death, were all acted by
Sha | several men. Generally one or two men acted as hunters, showing how they
oi hunted the animals, and finally shooting and skinning them all. The hunters
painted their faces in perpendicular stripes of red and black. Many of the actors
held in their hands rattles made of cow's or sheep's horn, with shot inside,
Each person danced separately at a considerable distance from the others, never
h moving from one place while dancing. Occasionally some of the women danced
i close together, facing the guests. They remained stationary, moving only the
7 body, head, and arms, or went forward and receded, accompanying their motions
| with a hissing sound. Sometimes they danced one behind the other. In the
latter case, the dancers were women, who advanced slowly toward the speaker,
and either gave him presents or received them from him. Sometimes the prin-
nt cipal of the party giving presents arose and danced to the accompaniment of
drum and song. A guest who praised the dancer was entitled to a present. The
chief or best singers, both male and female, sat in a circle round the drummer or
leader of the singing.
Formerly, when dancing at the potlatch, some of the men and women put
birds’ down on their hair. Any kind of down was used, except that of the
eagle, which was looked upon as being the peculiar property of the shaman.
a Some people kept this down in bags made of bow-snake’s skin. Some used to
ae paint their faces red or with perpendicular red stripes.
-
XV. — CONCLUSION.
By Franz Boas,
The culture of the Thompson Indians which has been described in the
preceding pages, resembles in many respects the culture of other tribes of the
western plateaus, and bears evidence of having reached its present stage under
the influence of the culture of both the Plains Indians and the tribes of the
North Pacific coast, although the affiliations with the former seem to be by far
the stronger.
The Salish tribes, of whom the Thompson Indians are one, are remarkable
not only on account of their far-reaching linguistic differentiation and the diversity
of physical types represented in the various groups, but also on account of the
great variation in their cultural status. While the most northern Salish tribe,
the Bella Coola, have absorbed all the important elements of the culture of the
Northwest coast, which they have developed in their own peculiar way (see Part
II of this volume, p, 120), we find that the tribes farther to the south have
adopted this culture to a much less extent. The most northern tribe of
this group are the Comox, who live on the central part of the east coast of Van-
couver Island. While they still possess many of the characteristic features of
the culture of the Northwest coast,— such as totemism, highly developed plastic
art, anda peculiar mythology,— these decrease in number as we proceed southward,
until on the coast of the State of Washington most of them are found to have
disappeared. - The most southern tribe of Salish affiliation, the Tillamook, who
live in northern Oregon, have developed a culture which is strongly influenced by
that of the tribes of northern California. East of the Cascade Range and of
the Coast Range of British Columbia we find Salish tribes who, partly on account
of different environment, partly on account of eastern influence, resemble in their
culture, in many respects, the tribes of the Plains. The Lillooet, who live in one
of the large valleys of the Coast Range of British Columbia, are the only one
among the Salish tribes of the interior, to whom they belong according to their
linguistic affiliation, who have absorbed many elements of Coast culture,
All this tends to show that the Salish tribes have been subject to foreign in-
fluence rather than that they themselves have exerted a strong influence upon
the tribes with whom they have come in contact, This may have been due to
a low stage of development of their ear'y culture, or to social conditions unfavor-
able to a continued growth of their own culture.
One of the most important questions in regard to the early history of the
Salish tribes is whether the home of the tribe was situated on the coast or east of
the mountains. On the whole, the evidence seems to be in favor of an inland
origin of the present Coast tribes of Salish affiliations. Archeological investiga-
tion of the coast region indicates that in very early times the culture of the
[387]
cf 388 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
|
southern coast of British Columbia was quite similar to the culture of the northern
i coast. While at the present time the type of man found in that area is characterized
i { by very broad head and face, we find in the earlier period, which is indicated by
~ the lower strata of the shell-heaps, interspersed among the broad-headed type, a
i ! peculiar type with narrow face and narrow head, which has no analogue on the
he coast. These finds indicate a period of mixture of two distinct tribes, The vo-
. | cabularies and grammatical forms of the Coast Salish dialects prove clearly that
if at an early time the tribes speaking these dialects must have formed one group of
t the Salish people, and that they must have differentiated after their arrival on
| ; the coast. This is shown most clearly by the fact that theirs alone, among the
L Salish languages, possess pronominal gender, and that a number of terms refer-
| ring to the sea are common to most of them. The phonetic disintegration of
| these dialects, on the other hand, suggests the effect of profound cultural revolu-
ae tions, many of which may have been due to mixture with foreign tribes,
| That such mixture has taken place is also borne out in the variety of physical types
i represented in this area, in the variety of cultural forms, and in the changes of
mode of life which are evidenced by the changes in burial customs that have
taken place in some of these districts in prehistoric times, The existence of
small isolated foreign tribes, such as the Chemakum and Athapascan of Washing-
ton, substantiates these views. All this is the more striking in comparison with
the uniformity of physical type, of dialect, and of culture, which we among
— the tribes of the interior.
| When comparing the culture of the Coast Salish with that of u.. interior,
we find that both have a number of features in common, and that these points
are the ones in regard to which the Coast Salish show a marked difference from
their northern neighbors. This is particularly true of their social organization,
of their art, and of their mythology. While the northern tribes are characterized
by a division into exogamic totems, the Salish tribes consist of a number of
village communities of very loose social structure. Only the Bella Coola and the
tribes north of Puget Sound have adopted to a limited extent the more elaborate
organization of their neighbors. I have tried to show elsewhere how the
totemic system of the north was probably introduced among the Salish and
Kwakiutl tribes,’ and that we may assume that originally all the Salish tribes
were as loosely organized as we find the Thompson Indians of to-day. I have
also tried to show that the mythology of the Coast Salish has not been much
affected by the myths of the northern tribes." We may therefore conclude that
the period of contact between the two groups of people does not cover an ex-
cessively long time.
This view is corroborated by a consideration of the art of the Coast Salish,
1 Social Organization of the Kwakiutl Indians (Ann, Rep. U.S. Nat. Mus., 1895), p. 333; Mythology of the Bella
Coola Indians (Part II of this volume), p. 120. ¢
Ct ® Sagen der Indianer von der Nordwest-Ktiste Amerikas, p. 346.
eee eee
TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA, 389
whose works are much cruder than those of the northern tribes. They have never
adopted to its fullest extent the method of the latter, of adjusting decoration to
the decorative field, but adhere more or.less to the pictographic style of the in-
terior, Even on their totem-poles we find a number of figures carved on a board
rather than a succession of intricately connected figures covering the whole post.
The petroglyphs of southern Vancouver Island particularly are of the same
pictographic character as those of the east and as the rock-paintings of the
interior of British Columbia, while those of the northern coast resemble in style
the conventional paintings and carvings of the Northwest coast art. We must
also mention here that a number of objects, particularly pipes, found in southern
Vancouver Island and onthe Lower Fraser River, are identical in type with
specimens found among the archzological remains of the interior,
When analyzing the culture of the Thompson Indians, we find much
evidence of a strong influence of eastern culture by way of the Nicola Valley.
The style of dress, the use of feather ornaments, the cradle of the Nicola band,
are decidedly due to contact with the east. The Nicola band have always been
in close contact with the Okanagon; and e.stern products, such as pipes and
painted buffalo-hides, and eastern fashions and customs, such as styles of dress
and the method of building round tents instead of square lodges, have been
introduced in this manner. Even the first vague traces of Christianity seem to
have found their way to the tribe along this route.
In many respects these resemblances between their culture and eastern
culture are common to them and to other tribes of the western plateaus, The
sinew-lined bow, the occurrence of the tubular pipe, the peculiar woven rabbit-
skin blanket, the high development of the coyote myths, and the loose social
organization, combined with the lack of elaborate religious ceremonials, characterize
them as resembling still more closely the culture of the western highlands,
The decorative art of the Thompson Indians is quite similar to the art of the
Indians of the plains and of the plateaus, in that it consists in the application of
pictographs for decorative purposes, It is, however, much simpler than the
elaborate art of the eastern tribes.
Their manufactures show many affiliations with those of the coast. Sagebrush-
bark fabrics are of the same make as the cedar-bark garments of the coast; the
tools for wood-work used by the Lower Thompsons are evidently copies or
importations from the coast region. Ornaments made of dentalia and abelone
shell must be considered as evidence of trade rather than as copies of ornaments
worn on the coast. The hand-hammer, harpoon, and fish-knife may also be
counted as copies of implements used by the Coast tribes.
One of the elements of their culture that is most difficult to explain is the
occurrence of the beautiful basketry made of cedar-bark, and of woven fabrics
made of mountain-goat wool, among the LowerThompsons, Coiled basketry of this
type is found in many places along the Pacific coast. Prof. Otis T. Mason has
»
390 TEIT, THE THOMPSON INDIANS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA.
pointed out that the coiled basketry of the Arctic Athapascans, which belongs to
this type, may be related to the coiled basketry of the Apache and Navajo.'
Since the publication of his paper, much material has been gathered which is
strongly in favor of this view.’ The same type of basketry is found not only
amon, the Athapascan tribe of the Mackenzie Basin, as Professor Mason points
out, but also among the Chilcotin of British Columbia (see Part V, Plate XXIII,
Fig. 12, of this volume), It occurs all along the Coast Range and the Cascade
Range in British Columbia and in Washington, and attains its greatest beauty
in California. Isolated Athapascan tribes are found throughout this area. Their
existence proves that at one time a wave of Athapascan migration must have
swept southward along the coast. It would seem, therefore, that this art
originated among the tribes who now practise it, at the time of the Athapascan
migration. It is remarkab!-, however, that such basketry is not found in Nicola
Valley, which at one time was the home of an Athapascan tribe. It may be that the
scarcity of wood in this area is respousible for the restriction of the art to the
western portion of the country. The style of weaving applied in the woollen
blanket of the Lower Thompson Indians suggests that its origin is due to the
application of the technique of weaving found in the interior to a different
material, The method of weaving these blankets is the same in principle as that
applied by the Upper Thompsons in making rabbit-skin blankets and maittings.
In a general way, we may say, therefore, that the Thompson Indians are in
appearance and culture a plateau tribe, influenced, however, to a great extent by
their eastern neighbois, to a less extent by the tribes of the coast. Their whole
social organization is very simple ; and the range of their religious ideas and rites
is remarkably limited, when compared to those of other American tribes. This may
be one of the reasons why, in contact with other tribes, the Salish have always
proved to be a receptive race, quick to adopt foreign modes of life and thought,
and that their own influence has been comparatively small.
1 Report i the Smithsonian Institution, 1883-84, Part II, p. 295.
APPENDIX.
Nore 1 (see p. 177).
From 1895 to 1899 the vital statistics of the band were as follows i—
BIRTHS, DEATHS,
Males, Females, Males, Females,
1895......4.. PENA ES OS eee 2 2 TOE rise vessee noes FRSA VLBI 4 3
WGGiiesisasocce VWeeebieeereen 2 I WSQG ih Fok se canaviaicrenacae eoweres 3
1897....... ere timvede 4 I TOO ikcees viconnv sane 6 5
MOOSE odie natinsd cha Ea eas 3 2 TODS i acdy eee in jeer 3 I
1899... .. eae dete Uedckigse Garere 2 I TEGQ Ns sonewakeate aera aeauses mache 5 3
13 7 21 12
Total increase........... dees 20 Total decrease...........000.0eee 33
DEATHS CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO AGR,
Tilanites cecilia 405 4 amen cadens senda aanesunccivaceveccsae, 5
CHUNG EN esis. 508 sos phan Sandan ed eadebaiacee nan acnenanens 6
Adults under fifty. .... Haigissviere agra guesecere digcedggaperaiv eee soos «8
Adults over sixty! ........ccsccccceseseccusceueeeuseeeeeeccs 14
33
= Nore 2 (see p. 184).
Stone drills were made of glassy basalt, which was flaked like the arrow-heads. They were
hafted in handles made of antler or wood.
Stone knives and stone chisels were hafted in wooden handles by being placed in a slit which
was filled with gum. Then a lashing was applied around the wood. They were also hafted in
antler, The piece of antler was boiled, so as to make it soft. Then the stone blade was driven into
its end. When cooling and drying, the antler became very hard, and held the blade firmly, so that
no lashing and no gum were required to hold it in place. Both of these methods are applied at the
present time in hafting iron tools. It would seem that handles of antler, such as described here,
were not attached to wooden handles. This method of hafting seems to have been in use among
the tribes of the Fraser Delta.
Note 3 (see p, 276).
The stake was generally valued at twelve counters, which were represented by twelve sticks,
Each party had six of these counters, When one party guessed wrong, they forfeited a counter,
which was thrown over to the party opposite, When one of the parties guessed right, the gambling-
bones were thrown over to them, and it was their turn to sing and to hide the bones. When one
party won all the counters, the game was at an end. Whena large number of gamblers took part in
the game, two pairs of gambling-bones were used.
icc ain a case acnneniblasiiisiecicis
' No deaths were recorded of adults between fifty and sixty,
[391]
392 APPENDIX.
ADDITIONAL NOTES,
The Indian: were in the habit of taking half-grown eaglets from the eyry, sometimes descend-
ing the cliffs with ropes for this purpose. They raised the young birds, and when they were
full-grown pulled out their tail-feathers and set them free. It was believed, that, unless the oldest
eaglet was fed first, the brood would die.
Suicide was formerly very common, and is so at the present day, principally among women.
The causes are generally shame, remorse, disappointment, or quarrels with relatives, and hanging is
the method most generally resorted to.
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XIV.
Fic. 1, PREPARATION OF SKINS.
Fic. 2. STOREHOUSE.
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
¥ oe ieee RL Mal > eee
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XV.
Fic. 2. INrER1IoR oF UNDERGROUND Houser.
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
a
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II.
Plate XVI.
Fic. 1. LODGE COVERED WITH Mats.
Fic. 2. FRAMEWORK oF Conicat LopcE. Fic. 3. FRAMEWORK oF LODGE
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. Plate XVII.
Fro. 1. SwEAT-HOUSE.
Fic. 2. FRAMEWORK OF SWEAT-HOUSE. Fic. 3. FRAMEWORK OF SWRAT-HOUSC.
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
Memoirs Am. Mus, Nat. Hist., Vol. ITT. Plate XVIII,
—; and aa).
4
16
DEERSKIN ROBE AND Poxcuo (
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
.
PLATE XIX,
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EXPLANATION OF PLATE XIX.
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Fic, 1.— PAINTING ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BRIDGE, 1, 2, Crossings of tratis ; 3, 4, Fir-
branches , 5, Girl’s lodge, and fir-branches hanging down from roof; 6, 7, 8, Crossings
of trails; 9, 10, Fir-branches; 11, Roof of girl’s lodge with fir-branches hanging down ;
\ B 12, snake; 13, Sacrifices put up at crossing of trails; 14, Unfinished basketry ; 15,
: Crossing of trails; 16, ‘wo trenches ; 17, Fir-branch; 18, Unfinished basketry ; 19,
Dog; 20, 21, Fir-branches ; 22, Dog; 23, Unfinished basketry ; 24, Fir-branch; 25,
2 Crossing of trails and fir-branch put up as a sacrifice ; 26, Unfinished basketry ; 27, 28,
‘
Fir-branches. (See Bu!!, Am. Mus, Nat. Hist., VIII, pp. 227-230.) j
Fic, 2.— PatntinG ON A RoWLDER CAI LED “ THE BASKET OF Coyorer’s WIFE,’’ NEAR SPENCES
: BripGe, 1, Centipede or tree blown over; 2, Underground house; 3, Fish-weir; 4,
Fish ; 5, Trench with sacrifices ; 6, Probably girl’s lodge with fir-branches hanging from
roct ; 7. Trench with dirt thrown cut to one side ; 8, Fir-branch.,
Memoirs Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. II.
5
Fic, 2.
The Thompson Indians of British Columbia.
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PLATE XxX,
EXPLANATION OF PLATE XxX.
Fics, 1-5. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER CALLED “ THE BASKET oF CoyoTe’s WIFE” (see Plate XIX).
2.—a, Earth, water, and trees ; 4, Tree. !
3-— @, Catfish.
4.— 4, Juniper-bush ; 4, Fir-branch.
5.—a, Trench and poles,
Fics, 6-12, — ROCK-PaINTINGS FROM Tsfx'PAa'UK CANon, 19 miles from Spences Bridge.
6. — Three men, two of them with feather head-dress,
te
7.—4, Black bear; 4, Fir-branch ; c, Snake; @, Lakes and river; ¢, Trench and
dirt thrown out.
8.— Face with tears,
9. — Beaver.
10,—a, Trench and poles ; 4, Unfinished basketry or pile of fir-branches ; ¢, Man; d, |
Arrow-heads or cedar-branches.
11, — Dog or horse struck by an arrow. 8
FIG, 13. — PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER CALLED “ THE CoyorTe’s WiFE.” a, Grisly bear ; 4, Track of Z
grisly bear; ¢c, Pool of grisly bear; @, Fir-branches; ¢, Vulva of Coyote’s
wife ; f, Trench with poles ; g, Coyote ; 4, Fish; ¢, Arrow; 7, Cap with fringe ; °
k, Otter; /, Grave-poles; m, Insect ; ”, Crossing of trails, sacrifices of food,
and pole; 9, Insect kilaxwa’us.
Fic, 14.— PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BripGE. ‘Trail, with horse, deer, trees, and
cross-trails,
Fics. 15-17. — RocK-PAINTINGS FROM STINE CREEK.
15. — Mountain-goats,
16, —a, Vision ; 4, Trails; ¢, Lakes connected by a river.
17, — 2, Cascade; 4, Lakes connected by a river; tracks of bear and bear cubs, i
Fics, 18, 19.— PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER NEAR SPENCES BRIDGE. a, Rainbow; 4, animal hit by
two arrows. '
Fic, 20,— PAINTINGS ON A BowWLDER IN NICOLA VALLEY. a, Eagle; 4, ¢, Beavers; d, Bear;
é, Fir-branch,
Fic. 21. — RocK-PAINTINGS FROM STINE CREEK. 6, Mountains and glaciers in valleys; c, Water
mystery ; @, Bear.
Fic. 22, — RocK-PAINTING FROM STINE CREEK. Vision.
Fic. 23.— PAINTING ON A BOWLDER HALF A MILE NorTH OF LyTTON. Star, and two men with a
feathers.
.
Fic. 24.— PAINTINGS ON A BOWLDER TWO MILES EAST OF SPENCES BRIDGE. a, Rainbow; 4, Men;
c, Fir-branches ; @, Cedar-bark towel ; ¢, Crossing of trails, with sacrifices ;
J, Birch-bark cup, with drinking-tube attached to a string.
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